Old English phonology is the pronunciation system of Old English, the Germanic language spoken on Great Britain from around 450 to 1150 and attested in a body of written texts from the 7th–12th centuries. Although its reconstruction is necessarily somewhat speculative, features of Old English pronunciation have been inferred partly from the sounds used in modern varieties of English (including dialects), partly from the spellings used in Old English literature, partly from analysis of Old English poetry, and partly from comparison with other Germanic languages. Some words were pronounced differently in different dialects of Old English. The dialect called West Saxon is the best documented in surviving texts, and so is commonly treated as a default reference in descriptions of Old English, even though it is not a direct ancestor of the modern English language (which is more closely related to the Mercian dialect). Old English had a distinction between short and long (doubled) consonants, at least between vowels (as seen in "sun" and "son", "to put" and "to steal"), and a distinction between short vowels and long vowels in stressed syllables. It had a larger number of vowel qualities in stressed syllables ( and in some dialects ) than in unstressed ones. It had diphthongs that no longer exist in Modern English (such as ), with both short and long versions.

Consonants

The inventory of consonant surface sounds (whether allophones or phonemes) of Old English is shown below. Allophones are enclosed in parentheses. The following consonants were generally both spelled and pronounced approximately as in modern English:. Others are described at Help:IPA/Old English and discussed below.

Gemination

There was a contrast between short consonant sounds, such as the in banan 'slayers', and long consonant sounds, such as the in bannan 'summon': long consonants were represented in writing with double consonant letters. Long consonants are also called geminate consonants (or just "geminates") from the Latin word geminus 'twin, double'. Geminate consonants were typically preceded by a stressed short vowel and followed by a vowel or sonorant, e.g. cynnes 'kin' (genitive), bettra 'better'. Geminates were shortened next to other consonants, at the end of a word, or after an unstressed vowel. In writing, however, double consonant letters were sometimes used in some of these contexts by analogy to inflected forms, or as etymological spellings. It is likely that early on, short and long consonants did contrast in word-final position, but even early texts show variation in spelling in this position: e.g. between bedd and bed 'bed', pronounced something like. It seems that geminate consonants could cause a preceding long vowel to be shortened, although this change may have been sporadic or the long vowel may have been subject to analogical restoration in some cases. The short-long contrast was distinctive for most consonant phonemes: minimal pairs can be cited for long and short, and also for and assuming that phonetic , are phonemically analyzed as ,. Sometimes and are instead analyzed as separate phonemes, in which case neither has a distinctive length contrast. The affricate was always phonetically long between vowels; it could also occur after or at the end of a word. There seems to have been no merge between and at the end of a word, so there was a distinction in pronunciation between weġ 'way', pronounced, and weċġ 'wedge', pronounced or. The approximant was always short. The fricative could be short or long, but geminate was fairly marginal. In the context of verb conjugation, intervocalic singleton often originated from Proto-Germanic *b and showed alternation with the geminate. The change of intervocalic *b to had the effect of eliminating former minimal pairs between versus. The fricative (spelled ) came to be lost when single between voiced sounds; since only long remained in this position (in words such as hlihhan, hweohhol), its length was no longer contrastive. Simplified spellings with single for original between vowels are sometimes seen, e.g. hlæhað, croha. Length was not distinctive for the phoneme, which originated from a cluster and was probably always phonetically long when it came between vowels within a word, and phonetically short in word-initial or word-final position.

Fricative voicing

The phonemes, which all belong to the phonetic category of fricatives, had different pronunciations depending on the context (allophones). The voiced allophones were used when one of these phonemes was surrounded on both sides by voiced sounds (between vowels, between a vowel and a voiced consonant, or between voiced consonants) and immediately preceded by a syllable with some degree of stress. For example, the phoneme was pronounced as the voiced sound in the words eorðe 'earth' and fæþm 'fathom', which can be phonemically transcibed as, and phonetically transcribed as ,. The voiceless allophones were used next to voiceless consonants, at the beginning and end of words, after unstressed syllables, and at the start of the second elements of compound words. The allophones and alternated in contexts such as the following: As a rule, the distinction between the voiceless and voiced versions of these sounds was unmarked in Old English spelling. The phoneme was written as, regardless of whether it was pronounced as voiceless or voiced. The phoneme was written as or, regardless of whether it was pronounced as voiceless or voiced (therefore, the Old English letter is not always pronounced like the IPA letter of the same shape). The phoneme was written as, regardless of whether it was pronounced as voiceless or voiced. Certain alternative spellings existed for some sounds (e.g. was sometimes written, as in Latin) but for the most part, the presence and distribution of the allophones described above is inferred from the sounds' origins and later development. However, there are some uncertainties and disputes about how to interpret the evidence. There may have been some exceptions to the distribution of voiceless and voiced fricative sounds according to these rules: some scholars have argued that the contrast had already become phonemic (if marginally so) in Old English whereas, citing the absence of minimal pairs, argues that they were not lexically contrastive segments and so should be analyzed as allophones during Old English, even if their distribution was not determined solely by phonology. Potential exceptions include words where the fricative originally stood after an unstressed vowel, but the vowel was deleted by syncope, such as strengþu or hālsian 'to take an oath': the devoicing of the preceding plosive consonant in the verb blētsian (derived from the root of blōd 'blood' with the same suffix) suggests that fricatives were at least initially voiceless in this context, although the outcomes of some words such as anfilt(e), anfealt > modern English anvil and sīþe > modern English scythe suggest that voicing took place at least sometimes after syncope. This voicing pattern did not apply to the fricatives (spelled ) or (spelled, often written in modern editions). As described above, word-initial fricatives are standardly reconstructed as voiceless, as they are for the vast majority of modern English speakers in inherited Germanic vocabulary. However, some dialects of Middle English used voiced fricatives in word-initial position, and this is also attested in some continental Germanic languages, such as Dutch and High German, although not in Frisian. argues that even if unambiguous written evidence of word-initial is only found in Middle English, their development was likely related in some manner to the voicing of word-initial fricatives in other Germanic languages, since voicing in this position seems to be a cross-linguistically 'unnatural' sound change, and therefore unlikely to develop multiple times independently. As a result, Lass considers it probable that initial might have been pronounced as in at least some accents of Old English (suggesting this would occur in West Saxon, Kentish, and West Mercian, but not in East Mercian or Northumbrian).

Origins of /f, θ, s/

Etymologically, the Old English phoneme descended in some cases from Proto-Germanic *f, which became between voiced sounds as described above. But also had another source. In the middle or at the end of words, Old English was often derived from Proto-Germanic * (also written *Ƀ|ƀ), a fricative allophone of the phoneme *b. Proto-Germanic *b became Old English only at the start of a word, after, or when geminated. In other contexts, it became Old English, pronounced either as or based on its position (the originally voiced fricative was devoiced before voiceless sounds or in final position): In contrast, the Old English phonemes and generally descend only from Proto-Germanic voiceless *θ and *s. Proto-Germanic * (a fricative allophone of *d, sometimes derived by voicing of *θ in the context of Verner's Law) regularly developed in all positions into the Old English stop, as in fæder from Proto-Germanic *fadēr. Proto-Germanic *z (which existed only as the Verner's Law counterpart of *s) regularly developed to Old English (a sound change called rhotacism). As a result, some Old English verbs show alternations between and or between and, although in others this alternation was leveled, resulting in or throughout. Examples of Old English verbs that retained inherited – or – alternations: Examples of Old English verbs that leveled the consonant to only or only :

Velar consonants

The voiceless velar plosive was typically spelled. In early Old English, the voiced velar plosive occurred only after, as in singan, or as a geminate , as in frogga (also written frocga). The geminate was uncommon, since West Germanic gemination caused palatalization. The voiced velar fricative occurred at the start of a word, after vowels, or after consonants other than. Therefore, the sounds and were mostly in complementary distribution. However, either sound could occur after, since phonetic occurred as the result of syncope in some words such as syngian. The transcription in this article ignores such exceptional cases and treats as an allophone of. In late Old English, came to be used in initial position as well, and for this time period the underlying phoneme can be analyzed as, with an allophone used after a vowel. Velar alternated in some circumstances with the voiceless palatal affricate, also spelled. There were similar alternations between and or between and, as described below. The letter represented a single consonant phoneme that is generally assumed to have had the following allophones: The underlying phoneme can be analyzed as, at least in early Old English: In late Old English, was devoiced to at the ends of words. That and the palatalization mentioned above resulted in alternation between, , and in the inflectional paradigms of some words.

Palatal consonants

The palatal consonants were represented in Old English spelling with the same letters as velar consonants or clusters : Modern editors may mark the palatal consonants with a dot above the letter:, ,. Historically, developed from by palatalization. Some cases of developed from palatalization of, while others developed from Proto-Germanic. Those historical sound changes resulted in certain common patterns to where the palatal sounds occurred. However, even though palatalization was originally a regular sound change, later sound changes and borrowings meant that the occurrence of the palatal forms was no longer predictable. Thus, the palatals and the velars ultimately became separate phonemes. But there is some debate about when the contrast became phonemic, as well as about when the palatal counterparts of evolved to affricates as opposed to palatal plosives. The forms and, attested around 900 AD as unetymological spellings of original ortġeard and fetian, are commonly interpreted as evidence that palatal ċ had become an affricate , as it is assumed that these words underwent a change of to. However, because palatal ċ and velar c alliterate in English poetry up through at least the late tenth century, assumes that they were still allophones of a single phoneme before 1000. Likewise, word-initial palatal ġ and velar g alliterate with each other in early Old English verse (before the latter changed to, circa 950 AD), which interprets as evidence that and constituted allophones at this point in time, despite the existence of from Proto-Germanic. assumes that, and were all allophones of a phoneme at one point during the history of Old English. Palatalized, according to , may have still been pronounced as a cluster rather than as a unitary consonant in some dialects at the end of Old English. The distribution of velar and palatal consonants is described below. Before unstressed vowels, can be palatal or velar depending on etymology. The voiced affricate was found only in restricted contexts: it did not occur at the start of a word, and occurred medially or finally only after a nasal or in contexts where it was (at least originally) geminated. It was therefore in nearly complementary distribution with. However, phonetic occurred as the result of syncope in some words such as menġan. The transcription in this article ignores such exceptional cases and treats as an allophone of. In circumstances where the palatal affricates and came to be followed by another consonant due to syncope of an intervening vowel, they were eventually replaced with the corresponding velar plosives, and respectively. ( assume this replacement occurred before the palatalized variants had developed into affricates. assumes that such consonants were never affricated, but transcribes them as palatal in Old English.) The affricates do seem to have been used before other consonants in compound words, e.g. in bryċġ-bōt 'bridge-repairing' and seċġ-lēac 'sedge-leek, rush-garlic'.

Sonorants

is an allophone of occurring before and. Words that have final in standard Modern English have the cluster in Old English. The exact nature of Old English is not known. It may have been an alveolar approximant, as in most Modern English accents; an alveolar flap ; or an alveolar trill. The spellings, , , probably represented two-phoneme clusters, , where was pronounced (its usual allophone in syllable-initial position). In this context, may have been pronounced as voiceless sonorants. The status of, , , as clusters rather than unitary segments in Old English phonology is supported by their alliteration in poetry with each other and with prevocalic. In addition, variation is seen between the spellings hræn and hærn 'wave, sea', which suggests the in the first form was not a single consonant phoneme. There is an alternative hypothesis that holds that (at least in later periods) in these sequences was not pronounced as an independent consonant sound, but was only a diacritic marking the voicelessness of the following sonorant. Original would merge with plain by early Middle English. The merger of and seems to have been completed earliest, by the middle of the eleventh century, based on frequent interchange of the spellings and in glosses from that time period. The merger of and was probably complete by the start of the thirteenth century. The spellings and had both fallen out of use by around 1250. The merger of and may have taken somewhat longer to complete, as the spelling and an alternative spelling are attested in some Middle English texts, one of the latest being the Ayenbite of Inwyt (written in 1340 by a Kentish English speaker who was probably born during the thirteenth century). At least some of these mergers may have begun earlier. Old English scribes occasionally omitted the letter in words starting with these clusters. A merge of the cluster with is also attested in some historical and many current varieties of English, but has still not been completed, as some present-day speakers distinguish the former as. There is evidence of alliteration between and in some Old English poems.

Velarization

apparently had velarized allophones and or similar sounds when they were followed by another consonant or were geminated. That is suggested by the vowel shifts of breaking and retraction before, which could be cases of assimilation to a following velar consonant: Based on phonotactic constraints on initial clusters, proposed interpreting and as digraphs representing the velarized sounds in prevocalic position, in which case the distinction would be phonemic, as exhibited by minimal pairs such as wrīdan "to grow" vs. rīdan "to ride" or wlītan "to look" vs. lītan "to bend". However, this hypothesis is inconsistent with orthoepic and orthographic evidence from the Early Modern English era, as well as borrowings into and from Welsh, which has and as genuine initial clusters. Furthermore, in Old English poetry, and can alliterate with each other as well as with followed by a vowel, as in "Wēn' ic þæt gē for wlenco, nalles for wræcsīðum" (Beowulf 338).

Vowels

Old English had a moderately large vowel system. In stressed syllables both monophthongs and diphthongs had short and long versions, which were clearly distinguished in pronunciation. In unstressed syllables, the number of vowel contrasts was generally reduced. Historically, unstressed vowels could be elided in some circumstances.

Monophthongs

Depending on dialect, Old English had five to eight vowel qualities. Each could appear as a long or a short monophthong. An example of two words distinguished by vowel length is god ('god') versus gōd ('good'). The front mid rounded vowel (spelled usually as ) existed only in some dialects; in others, it was unrounded and merged with. This merger is seen for both the long and short versions of the vowel in West Saxon and Kentish by around 900 AD, and was complete in Late West Saxon. In Anglian dialects long generally remains rounded, but short exhibits variable unrounding. In Kentish, the vowels and also merged into sometime around the 9th century, leaving and as the only front vowels in this dialect. The long and short versions of each vowel were probably pronounced with the same quality, although some reconstructions assume accompanying qualitative distinctions. The short open back vowel before nasals was probably rounded to, as is suggested by the fact that the word for "person", for example, is spelled as mann or monn. In unstressed syllables, only three vowels were distinguished. were reduced to ; were reduced to, and remained. Unstressed were sometimes pronounced or spelled as in closed syllables, as in hāliġ and heofon.

Diphthongs

All dialects of Old English had diphthongs. Diphthongs were written with digraphs composed of two vowel letters and were pronounced by gliding from one vowel quality to another within a single syllable. The two main spellings used to represent diphthongs were ⟨ea⟩ and ⟨eo⟩. Diphthongs could be short or long. A short diphthong had the same length as a short single vowel, and a long diphthong had the same length as a long single vowel. As with monophthongs, their length was not systematically marked in Old English manuscripts, but is inferred from other evidence, such as a word's etymological origins or the pronunciation of its descendants. Modern editions conventionally mark long diphthongs with a macron on the first letter: e.g. long ⟨ēa⟩, ⟨ēo⟩ in contrast to short ⟨ea⟩, ⟨eo⟩. In this article, short diphthongs such as ea are transcribed like, and long diphthongs such as ēa are transcribed like. Some dialects had additional diphthongs: Thus, the inventory of diphthongs in Late West Saxon was as follows: The table above displays how Old English vowel digraphs are commonly interpreted, but there are various debates about the pronunciation and phonemic analysis of these spellings.

Diphthong controversies

The phonetic realization of Old English diphthongs is controversial. During the 20th century, various academic articles disputed the reconstruction of "short diphthongs", arguing that they were actually monophthongs (on the phonetic level, the phonemic level, or both). However, in response to these proposals, further arguments have been made in support of the proposition that short digraphs did in fact represent phonetic diphthongs. argues that a contrast between long and short diphthongs is not necessarily phonologically implausible, noting it is attested in some modern languages, such as Scots, where the short diphthong in tide contrasts with the long diphthong in tied. In contrast, considers the evidence for the phonemic status of short diphthongs to be unconvincing and prefers to analyze short ⟨ea⟩, ⟨eo⟩ as allophones of, or at most, as semi-contrastive entities that never became completely distinct phonemes from the corresponding short monophthongs. Assuming vowel digraphs were in fact pronounced as phonetic diphthongs, they may have been the 'falling' type (where the first portion of the diphthong was more prominent, and the second part was a non-syllabic offglide. Alternatively, both components may have been more or less equal in prominence. The primary feature that distinguished ⟨ea⟩ from ⟨eo⟩ seems to have been the height of the first component of the diphthong: the start of ⟨ea⟩ sounded like ⟨æ⟩ whereas the start of ⟨eo⟩ sounded like ⟨e⟩. The second component of any diphthong (whether original or from breaking) seems to have originally been high back rounded (or ). Diphthongs seem to have still ended in this quality at the time when i-umlaut occurred. assumes the qualities continued to be used into Old English for ea eo io ēa ēo īo respectively, but acknowledges that their values may have been different in late Old English. assume that by the 9th century, the second component of ea had become lowered and unrounded (aside from in the minority of regions where the alternative spelling ⟨eo⟩ was used for this diphthong). Both components of are low vowels and both components of are mid vowels. propose that Old English diphthongs were "height-harmonic", that is, that both parts of any diphthong had the same vowel height (high, mid or low) as a rule. The reconstruction of io as and early West Saxon ie as is consistent with this principle of height harmony. However, do not find height harmony convincing as a general rule, arguing that the later development of ie īe points instead to the value. considers the lowering of the second element of diphthongs to be related to the development of unstressed vowel qualities; while acknowledging that the height of the first element affected the outcome of the second, Hogg rejects height harmony as an overarching principle, and supposes that io came to be pronounced in Old English, with only being its early or archaic value. Some other scholars have reconstructed ⟨ea⟩ and ⟨eo⟩ as ending in an unrounded schwa-like glide in Old English. However, there is evidence that Old English eo io ēo īo had rounded outcomes in some dialects of Middle English.

Development of diphthongs

Old English diphthongs have several origins. Long diphthongs developed partly from the Proto-Germanic diphthongs *au, *eu, *iu and partly from Old English vowel shifts. Short diphthongs developed only from Old English vowel shifts. Here are examples of diphthongs inherited from Proto-Germanic: Three vowel shifts produced diphthongs: breaking, back mutation, and palatal diphthongization. Breaking caused Anglo-Frisian short *æ, *e, *i to develop into the short diphthongs ea, eo, io before or a consonant cluster beginning with. Anglo-Frisian long *ǣ, *ī developed into the diphthongs ēa and īo before : Back mutation changed i, e and sometimes a to io, eo and ea before a back vowel in the next syllable: Palatal diphthongization changed æ, ǣ, e, ē to the diphthongs ea, ēa, ie, īe respectively after the palatalized consonants ġ, sċ, and ċ: In addition, the back vowels a, o, u (long or short) could be spelled as ⟨ea⟩, ⟨eo⟩, ⟨eo⟩ respectively after ċ, ġ, or sċ. However, rather than indicating the development of a diphthong, these spellings might have just been a convention for marking palatal consonants before a back vowel, since the modern English descendants of such words do not display the typical evolution of the diphthong ⟨eo⟩ to a front vowel: Peter Schrijver has theorized that Old English breaking developed from language contact with Celtic languages. He says that two Celtic languages were spoken in Britain, Highland British Celtic, which was phonologically influenced by British Latin and developed into Welsh, Cornish and Breton, and Lowland British Celtic, which was brought to Ireland at the time of the Roman conquest of Britain and became Old Irish. Lowland British Celtic had velarization like Old and Modern Irish, which gives preceding vowels a back offglide. That feature came by language contact to Old English and resulted in backing diphthongs. Early West Saxon ie, īe developed from i-mutation of ea, ēa or io, īo (at the time of i-mutation, the merger of the latter with eo, ēo seems to have not yet occurred). By the time of Alfred the Great, the diphthongs ie, īe were apparently monophthongized to a vowel known as "unstable i", whose pronunciation is still uncertain. It later went on to merge with according to spellings such as gelyfan for earlier geliefan and gelifan ('to believe'). (According to another interpretation, however, the "unstable i" may simply have been, and the later can be explained by the fact that Late West Saxon was not a direct descendant of Early West Saxon. See Old English dialects.) That produced additional instances of alongside those that developed from i-mutation and from sporadic rounding of in certain circumstances (e.g. myċel 'much' from earlier miċel with rounding perhaps triggered by the rounded ). All instances of were normally unrounded next to, and : hence ġifan from earlier ġiefan 'to give'. In dialects other than West Saxon, i-mutation instead turned ea, ēa into e, ē and left io, īo unchanged.

Stress

As in modern English, there was a distinction in Old English between stressed and unstressed syllables. Stress typically could be found only on the first or leftmost syllable of a root morpheme. In morphologically simple words, this is equivalent to the first syllable of the word: e.g. yfel 'evil', pronounced. Non-initial syllables within a morpheme were unstressed. Inflectional suffixes are inferred to have been fully unstressed, based on the absence of alliteration involving these syllables (although in words with multiple unstressed syllables in a row, such as fremedon 'they did', it is possible that there was some kind of alternating rhythm). Fully unstressed syllables did not contain long vowels or diphthongs. When a simple word was extended by a derivational suffix, or when two roots capable of standing as free words were combined to form a compound, the primary stress fell on the first syllable of the leftmost root. However, there may have been secondary stress in some circumstances on the first syllable of the later element. In Old English verse, the first root of a compound participates in alliteration, whereas the second root of a compound can be involved in alliteration only as a supporting element, if it starts with the same consonant as the first root. Derivational suffixes and the second elements of compound words appear to display a wider range of vowel contrasts than inflectional suffixes: for example, a diphthong can be seen in the second syllable of the word spelled 'honorless' derived from the morphemes ār 'honor' and lēas 'devoid of, bereft of' (as a suffix, '-less'). Since vowel length was not written in Old English, it is less clear to what extent long vowels may have been shortened, or conversely, analogically restored, in such derivational suffixes. Prefixed words did not always have primary stress on the first syllable. Depending on the identity of the prefix and the part of speech of the word, the primary stress could fall either on the first syllable of the prefix or on the first syllable of the root after the prefix. The prefixes ġe- and be- were always fully unstressed, and the prefix for- was nearly always unstressed. In contrast, the prefixes and- and ed- always received primary stress. Other prefixes seem to have generally received primary stress in nouns or adjectives, but not in verbs or adverbs. The prefix hund-, used on numerals for the decades 70-120, was unstressed.

Phonotactics

Phonotactics is the study of the sequences of phonemes that occur in languages and the sound structures that they form. When describing syllable structure, a capital letter C can be used to represent a consonant sound and a capital letter V can be used to represent a vowel sound, so a syllable such as 'be' is described as having CV structure (one consonant followed by one vowel). The IPA symbol that shows a division between syllables is the dot. Old English stressed syllables were structured as (C)3V(C)4; that is, one vowel as the nucleus with zero to three consonant phonemes in the onset and zero to four consonant phonemes in the coda. An example of a stressed syllable with the minimal number of phonemes would be ǣ 'law, statute', whereas an example of a stressed syllable with nearly the maximum number of phonemes would be bringst (the syncopated second-person singular present form of the strong verb bringan 'bring').

Onset

Onset clusters typically consist of a obstruent followed by a sonorant, although is allowed as a third element before voiceless stops, and is allowed before. The consonants occur only on their own. (If are accepted as their own phonemes, the same can be said of these consonants and of, but these are normally analyzed respectively as .) Some have proposed analyzing clusters of and a voiceless stop as single segments. In Old English alliterative poetry, a word-initial sequence of + voiceless stop alliterates only with itself (with or without a following liquid): that is, and count as a match, as do and, but and do not alliterate with each other. Unpalatalized and did not occur as a rule at the start of a word, since in inherited vocabulary, original * came to be palatalized in this position regardless of what sound followed it. The cluster could be found word-medially before a back vowel, e.g. in the words þerscan and discas, although the lack of palatalization in such forms might imply that the was shared between the first and second syllable. The cluster probably occurred medially in malscrung, judging by the forms of the related Middle English malskren and Modern English masker. assumes that was found at the start of the word scolere, from Latin scholārius, but transcribes it as sċolere; the form sċrift from Latin scrīpt- shows that palatalized sċ- could come to be used at the start of Old English words taken from Latin. The onset was optional, so syllables could start with a vowel phoneme. In Old English poetry, stressed syllables starting with vowel phonemes all alliterate with each other (regardless of whether the vowels are the same or different). A glottal stop consonant may have been phonetically inserted in this position. ( views alliteration as inconclusive evidence for initial .)

Nucleus

The syllable nucleus was always a vowel in stressed syllables. Stressed monosyllabic words always ended in either a consonant or a long vowel (whether a long monophthong or long diphthong): this can be stated in terms of stressed words having at least two moras of length. In words of two or more syllables, it was possible for the stressed syllable to end in a short vowel (called a light syllable), although two-syllable words more often had a heavy first syllable (one that ended in a consonant or long vowel). It is possible that certain sonorant consonants, such as or, could serve as the nucleus of an unstressed syllable. However, it is difficult to determine whether or in which contexts consonants were syllabic in Old English, because the relevant forms show variable spelling (a vowel letter, presumably representing an epenthetic vowel sound, could often be inserted before the sonorant) and variable behavior in verse.

Coda

In general, Old English permitted similar kinds of clusters of coda consonants as modern English. Most coda clusters in simple words started with a sonorant or. Long (geminate) consonants seem to have become simplified to single consonants when not between vowels. However, (analyzed above as long ) did not merge with single in this context, but remained a distinct coda. The following tables show some examples of coda clusters that could occur in Old English, while not necessarily constituting an exhaustive list. †It is assumed that geminate consonants such as, , were simplified by the Old English period to single consonants when entirely in a syllable coda. ‡The final in words ending in, , could potentially become syllabic or have an epenthetic vowel inserted before it; see below. This possibly could apply also to the final in. Although might be categorized as a resonant, it had non-resonant allophones, and so will be listed alongside obstruent consonants in the tables below. Some codas with an obstruent preceded by more than one resonant are attested, often as the result of syncope, e.g: The following additional two-obstruent coda clusters may rarely occur: Additional possible three-obstruent clusters include: Because of the loss of certain vowels in final syllables, Proto-West-Germanic came to have words ending in sequences of an obstruent consonant followed by a resonant consonant: for example, Proto-Germanic *xlaxtraz developed to Proto-West-Germanic *xlaxtr. In the past, it was sometimes assumed that a resonant consonant in such a position must necessarily be syllabic. This assumption is false: there are languages where a syllable can end in an obstruent followed by a resonant, as demonstrated by modern Icelandic, where vatn, býsn, segl, gísl are all monosyllables. There is evidence that this type of coda cluster eventually became disallowed in Old English, because many such words show a spelling with a vowel letter inserted before the consonant, such as hleahtor. However, some words could be spelled with or without an inserted vowel letter in Old English, raising the question of whether there was also variation between different pronunciations. Based on the treatment of such words in poetry, argues that their pronunciation changed either during or shortly before the time period when Old English literature was written: when not etymologically preceded by a vowel, resonant consonants in this position were generally nonsyllabic in early Old English verse, whereas in late Old English verse, they came to be syllabic (or preceded by an epenthetic vowel). Fulk finds that the syllabic pronunciations are generally used consistently in poetry from the ninth century or later. The development of a syllabic pronunciation seems to have been affected by the identity of the resonant, the identity of the consonant preceding the resonant, and the weight of the syllable.

Sound changes

Like Frisian, Old English underwent palatalization of the velar consonants and fronting of the open vowel to in certain cases. Old English also underwent vowel shifts that were not shared with Old Frisian: smoothing, diphthong height harmonization and breaking. Diphthong height harmonization and breaking resulted in the unique Old English diphthongs io, ie, eo, ea. Palatalization yielded some Modern English word pairs in which one word has a velar and the other has a palatal or postalveolar. Some of these were inherited from Old English (drink and drench, day and dawn), and others have an unpalatalized form loaned from Old Norse (skirt and shirt).

Dialects

Old English had four major dialect groups: Kentish, West Saxon, Mercian and Northumbrian. Kentish and West Saxon were the dialects spoken south of a line approximately following the course of the River Thames: Kentish in the easternmost portion of that area and West Saxon everywhere else. Mercian was spoken in the middle part of England and was separated from the southern dialects by the Thames and from Northumbrian by the River Humber. Mercian and Northumbrian are often grouped together as "Anglian". Modern English descends mostly from the Anglian dialect, rather than the standard West Saxon dialect of Old English. However, since London sits on the Thames, near the boundary of the Anglian, West Saxon and Kentish dialects, some West Saxon and Kentish forms have entered Modern English. For example, the spelling of the verb bury is derived from West Saxon, but the pronunciation is derived from Kentish. The largest dialectal differences in Old English occurred between West Saxon and the other groups and occurred mostly in the front vowels, particularly the diphthongs. In Kentish, the vowels æ, e, y would eventually all merge as e (long and short). The primary differences between dialects were the following: All dialects of Old English seem to have shared palatalization as a sound change, including Northumbrian. Forms in Modern English with hard and in which a palatalized sound would be expected from Old English appear to be influenced by Scandinavian.

Examples

The prologue to Beowulf: The Lord's Prayer: