{"history":[],"article":{"id":"b82a4ecc-38ba-45b6-ba59-f3f01ad539f5","title":"Copacabana Fort revolt","slug":"copacabana-fort-revolt","content":":::summary\n![The last rebels in their \"march to death\" From left to righ: Eduardo Gomes, Siqueira Campos, Newton Prado and Otávio Correia, a civilian](https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/4/4f/Os///18///do///Forte.jpg)\n**Conflict:** Copacabana Fort revolt \n**Partof:** [Tenentism](https://bliptext.com/articles/tenentism) \n**Image Size:** 300 \n**Date:** 4–6 July 1922 (Rio de Janeiro) · 5–13 July (Mato Grosso) \n**Place:** [Rio de Janeiro](https://bliptext.com/articles/rio-de-janeiro), [Niterói](https://bliptext.com/articles/niter-i) and [Mato Grosso](https://bliptext.com/articles/mato-grosso) \n**Result:** Government victory \n**Combatant 1:** Army and civilian rebels \n**Combatant 2:** [🇧🇷](https://bliptext.com/articles/brazil) [Brazil](https://bliptext.com/articles/first-brazilian-republic) · [Brazil](https://bliptext.com/articles/first-brazilian-republic)ian Army · [Brazil](https://bliptext.com/articles/first-brazilian-republic)ian Navy · [Federal District Police](https://bliptext.com/articles/military-police-of-rio-de-janeiro-state) · [São Paulo Police](https://bliptext.com/articles/military-police-of-s-o-paulo-state) \n**Commander 1:** [Hermes da Fonseca](https://bliptext.com/articles/hermes-da-fonseca) · Clodoaldo da Fonseca · João de Brito Júnior · Euclides da Fonseca · [Siqueira Campos](https://bliptext.com/articles/ant-nio-de-siqueira-campos) \n**Commander 2:** [Epitácio Pessoa](https://bliptext.com/articles/epit-cio-pessoa) · Setembrino de Carvalho · João N. da Costa · [Tertuliano Potiguara](https://bliptext.com/articles/tertuliano-potiguara) \n**Units 1:**

1st Isolated Coastal Artillery Battery
[Military School of Realengo](https://bliptext.com/articles/military-school-of-realengo)
1st Military Circumscription
7th Company of the 1st Infantry Regiment

\n**Units 2:**

1st Military Region
2nd Military Region

\n**Strength 1:**

638 students in the Military School
~300 men in Fort Copacabana
800–1,000 men in Mato Grosso

\n**Strength 2:**

10,000 men in Rio de Janeiro
2 battleships
1 destroyer

\n**Casualties 1:**

1 killed and several wounded in the Military School
In Copacabana: see [casualties](https://bliptext.com/articles/)

\n**Casualties 2:**

3 killed and 5 wounded at Vila Militar
2 killed and 1 wounded at the Army HQ
In Copacabana: see [casualties](https://bliptext.com/articles/)

\n**Notes:** At least 5 civilians killed and 2 injured \n:::\n\n# \nThe **Copacabana Fort revolt**, also known as the **18 of the Fort revolt** (Revolta dos 18 do Forte), was one of several movements coordinated by rebel factions of the [Brazilian Army](https://bliptext.com/articles/brazilian-army) against the [president of Brazil](https://bliptext.com/articles/president-of-brazil), [Epitácio Pessoa](https://bliptext.com/articles/epit-cio-pessoa), and the winner of the [1922 presidential election](https://bliptext.com/articles/1922-brazilian-presidential-election), [Artur Bernardes](https://bliptext.com/articles/artur-bernardes).\nActing under the figure of marshal [Hermes da Fonseca](https://bliptext.com/articles/hermes-da-fonseca) and supporting the defeated faction, the, the rebels tried a wide revolt in [Rio de Janeiro](https://bliptext.com/articles/rio-de-janeiro) on 5 July 1922, but only managed to control [Fort Copacabana](https://bliptext.com/articles/fort-copacabana) and the [Military School of Realengo](https://bliptext.com/articles/military-school-of-realengo), in addition to, outside the city, a focus in [Niterói](https://bliptext.com/articles/niter-i) and the , in [Mato Grosso](https://bliptext.com/articles/mato-grosso).\nThey were defeated, but the revolt marks the beginning of [tenentism](https://bliptext.com/articles/tenentism) and the events that led to the end of the [First Brazilian Republic](https://bliptext.com/articles/first-brazilian-republic).\nIn 1921, [Nilo Peçanha](https://bliptext.com/articles/nilo-pe-anha) launched himself as an opposition presidential candidate, aligning the oligarchies of second importance [states](https://bliptext.com/articles/federative-units-of-brazil) against the [domination of Brazilian politics](https://bliptext.com/articles/milk-coffee-politics) by the most powerful [states](https://bliptext.com/articles/federative-units-of-brazil) of [São Paulo](https://bliptext.com/articles/s-o-paulo-state) and [Minas Gerais](https://bliptext.com/articles/minas-gerais).\nPeçanha garnered the support of dissident military members gathered around Hermes da Fonseca, president of the.\nIn October, [fake letters attributed to Artur Bernardes](https://bliptext.com/articles/crisis-of-the-fake-letters) with offenses to the military stirred up the election and prompted them to actively participate in the campaign.\nThe rigged electoral system ensured Bernardes' victory in March 1922.\nThe opposition contested the results and over the following months a military conspiracy emerged across the country to remove Epitácio Pessoa and prevent Bernardes' inauguration.\nThe conspiracy drew great enthusiasm from tenentes (lieutenants), but few senior officers.\nThe rebels did not have a project for society, with the rebellion being a movement of reparation at first, but even so they reflected dissatisfaction with the regime.\nIn early July, the revolt was triggered by the closure of the Military Club and the brief arrest of Hermes da Fonseca for his public opposition to the government's interference, using the army, in the election in [Pernambuco](https://bliptext.com/articles/pernambuco).\nThe conspiracy was poorly organized and on the night of 4 July the loyalists managed to surround Fort Copacabana and arrest the officers who would revolt the large troops at [Vila Militar](https://bliptext.com/articles/vila-militar).\nThe following day, Hermes da Fonseca was arrested and the Military School engaged in combat for a few hours against Vila Militar before giving up.\nIn Niterói, the revolt did little more than capture the Telephone Company.\nIn Mato Grosso, the rebels faced the loyalists on the border with São Paulo until 13 July, when they laid down their weapons without starting combat.\nOnly Fort Copacabana remained in revolt, firing at military targets and engaging in an \"artillery duel\" against other fortifications in [Guanabara Bay](https://bliptext.com/articles/guanabara-bay), which killed several civilians.\nMost of the garrison left the fort on the morning of 6 April, with only 28 remaining.\nIt sustained further bombardments by the [Brazilian Navy](https://bliptext.com/articles/brazilian-navy), [Naval Aviation](https://bliptext.com/articles/brazilian-naval-aviation) and surrounding troops, refusing to surrender.\nThe fort's commander left to negotiate and was arrested, leaving it to [Antônio de Siqueira Campos](https://bliptext.com/articles/ant-nio-de-siqueira-campos) and three other lieutenants.\nIn the afternoon they left for [Atlântica Avenue](https://bliptext.com/articles/avenida-atl-ntica) with the remaining soldiers to face the loyalists, being defeated on the beach by much superior forces.\nOf the lieutenants, only Siqueira Campos and [Eduardo Gomes](https://bliptext.com/articles/eduardo-gomes) survived in the hospital.\nThe July 1922 revolts failed, but Artur Bernardes would face a new military phenomenon, tenentism, which launched ever larger and more sophisticated revolts during [his term](https://bliptext.com/articles/presidency-of-artur-bernardes), most of which was spent under a [state of emergency](https://bliptext.com/articles/state-of-emergency-in-brazil-1922-1927).\nThe refusal of [amnesty](https://bliptext.com/articles/amnesty) to the rebels of 1922 was one of the reasons for the following revolts.\nThese also failed, but the tenentists took part in the [1930 Revolution](https://bliptext.com/articles/brazilian-revolution-of-1930), which put an end to the First Republic.\nThe greatest fame of July 1922 was the Fort Copacabana and the suicidal will of the small number of rebels who marched against the government's troops, an episode that acquired a mythical character.\nThe number of 18 men said to have participated in the final combat is famous, but the actual number was probably smaller.\n\n# Background\n\n## The 1922 presidential election\nIn 1922, Brazil was undergoing a reassessment of Brazilian nationality on the eve of the country's [independence](https://bliptext.com/articles/independence-of-brazil) centennial, with the [Modern Art Week](https://bliptext.com/articles/modern-art-week) as a symbolic milestone, while public finances suffered from the fall of international demand for coffee, Brazil's [main export product](https://bliptext.com/articles/brazilian-coffee-cycle).\nIn the presidential election, scheduled for 1 March, the government candidate to succeed Epitácio Pessoa was Artur Bernardes, president ([governor](https://bliptext.com/articles/list-of-governors-of-minas-gerais)) of Minas Gerais and a representative of the dominant groups of his state and São Paulo.\nIn previous disputes, the government's candidate easily achieved the consensus of the regional oligarchies, but this time the regime showed signs of exhaustion.\nIn June 1921, the political leaders of [Rio de Janeiro](https://bliptext.com/articles/rio-de-janeiro-state), [Bahia](https://bliptext.com/articles/bahia), [Rio Grande do Sul](https://bliptext.com/articles/rio-grande-do-sul) and Pernambuco, \"second rate\" states, organized themselves in the Republican Reaction bloc and launched an opposition ticket with Nilo Peçanha, from [Rio de Janeiro](https://bliptext.com/articles/rio-de-janeiro-state), for president, and, from [Bahia](https://bliptext.com/articles/bahia), for vice president.\nSeveral explanations have already been proposed for this oligarchic split, such as the dispute for the [vice presidency](https://bliptext.com/articles/vice-president-of-brazil), the defiance to the economic policy favorable to coffee, a first test of populism or a challenge to the domination of the federal system by Minas Gerais and São Paulo.\nSome studies show the instability of the Minas Gerais-São Paulo alliance, but there was, in any case, dissatisfaction with the political arrangement.\nThe Republican Reaction's proposals were reformist and peaceful.\nIt did not intend to break with the model of the First Brazilian Republic, but only to achieve equality between the states, and its state leaders had the same profile and practices as the government's ones; in his state, Nilo Peçanha also applied [coronelism](https://bliptext.com/articles/coronelism) practices, and the Reaction sought the support of disaffected oligarchs.\nIn the electoral game of the First Republic, based on the coronelist compromise, the Republican Reaction was at a disadvantage, as it could not use the federal public machine to grant privileges and favors.\nThus, the Reaction added to traditional methods the campaign among the urban masses, a novelty at the time, as well as the search for military support.\nMilitary officers gathered around marshal Hermes da Fonseca joined Nilo Peçanha's ticket after Fonseca failed to get a candidacy.\nFonseca was the president of the Military Club, former president of Brazil and the \"virtual head of the army\", \"perceived by the military as the hierarchical superior of all\".\n\n## Military discontent\nIn the 1920s, the Brazilian Army was [reformed](https://bliptext.com/articles/reorganization-of-the-brazilian-army-in-the-old-republic) and modernized under the management of [Minister of War](https://bliptext.com/articles/ministry-of-war-brazil) and advice from the, fulfilling the ambitions of the years before.\nThe young officers left the Military School of Realengo with a level of technical preparation unprecedented in the history of the Brazilian Army.\nBut there were tensions within the officer corps.\nOfficials were frustrated with the scorn they received from the public.\nLieutenants were discouraged by their slow career progression and their failure to join and fight in [World War I](https://bliptext.com/articles/world-war-i).\nCalógeras' management and the French Mission attracted criticism, accusations of corruption and difficulties in adapting to the new models.\nIn April 1921, the dismissal of general, chief of the [Brazilian Army General Staff](https://bliptext.com/articles/brazilian-army-general-staff) and an enemy of Calógeras, generated a demonstration of solidarity by more than one hundred officers, threatening to split the army, but Ribeiro was not interested in a revolt.\nThe fact that the Ministers of War and Navy, Calógeras and, respectively, were both civilians was used in Nilo Peçanha's criticisms.\n\n### Crisis of the fake letters\nThe rapprochement between the Republican Reaction and the military reached its peak with the disclosure of fake letters attributed to Artur Bernardes, with insulting content to the military, in order to position them against his candidacy.\nThere were two documents published in [Correio da Manhã](https://bliptext.com/articles/correio-da-manh-brazil) in October 1921 as part of the newspaper's anti-Bernardes campaign.\nThe author of the letters called Hermes a \"sergeant without manners\", tapping into the resentment of army officers for the disdain they received from the civilian elite.\nThe crisis was similar to the [Military Crisis](https://bliptext.com/articles/military-question) at the final days of the [Brazilian Empire](https://bliptext.com/articles/empire-of-brazil).\nThe Military Club examined the letters attributed to Artur Bernardes and assessed them as true.\nIts creators ended up confessing to the forgery, but tensions in the military environment increased.\nBernardes' explanations ended up being accepted by most of the officers, with the exception of a minority of captains and lieutenants.\nAfter the Military Club's examination, officers in uniform and armed campaigned for the opposition.\n\"The garrisons and the Military School itself were fermenting with revolt\".\nThe atmosphere at the Club was unruly and angry.\n\n### Election\nThe election took place in an agitated atmosphere, and government supporters, controlling the official machine, guaranteed Artur Bernardes' victory in March 1922.\nIt was widely known that the ballot boxes were rigged.\nUnlike previous elections, the opposition contested the results and called for a Court of Honor to arbitrate the process.\nTo maintain the pressure, it radicalized its speech and waved to a solution by arms.\nIn April, J.J. Seabra spoke: \"If this patriotic and honorable solution by the Court of Arbitration is not accepted, we will have a struggle and bloodshed\".\nGovernment supporters were not intimidated.\nIn May Raul Soares replied: \"If the armed classes think they have the right to make a revolution, we think it is our duty to quell it\".\nThis intransigence accelerated radicalization.\nThe opposition press denounced the arrests and transfers of anti-Bernardes lieutenants.\nOn 7 June, [Congress](https://bliptext.com/articles/national-congress-of-brazil) confirmed the results of the election.\nThe oppositionists were removed from the commissions of the [Chamber of Deputies](https://bliptext.com/articles/chamber-of-deputies-brazil) and from the work of electoral recognition.\nAll that remained was to appeal to the military.\nNilo Peçanha invested in military agitation only as a form of pressure and did not want a revolt, but rather a popular movement before Congress on inauguration day on 15 November.\nHe was listed in the police inquiry following the uprising, but the charges were not substantiated.\nDifferent from what Peçanha planned, a military movement on a national scale was outlined with the goals of removing Epitácio Pessoa and preventing the inauguration of Artur Bernardes.\nFor years, criticism of electoral fraud had paved the way for the idea of a violent solution.\n\n## Profile of the rebels\nThe mobilization that would culminate in the armed revolt sought to purify the armed class from the interference of civilian politics and repair the pride of the army.\nDissident soldiers considered politics dominated by the \"low and private interests\" of status quo supporters; for them, civilian politicians had betrayed the Republic, which had been [proclaimed by the army](https://bliptext.com/articles/proclamation-of-the-republic-brazil).\nThey were dissatisfied with society and the army's position, not accepting obedience without question.\nTheir rebellious inclinations came from esprit de corps, still without claims to the new forces of society, which would come in later movements.\nThere was no revolutionary manifesto in the midst of the revolt and it was at first an institutional one, defending military honor against the figure of Artur Bernardes.\nIt was, nevertheless, the expression of a revolutionary climate and the wear and tear of the regime that was not very open to new political, economic and social demands.\nParticipants had the identity of a moral elite capable of defeating the oligarchies.\nLow-ranking soldiers were high among the insurgents, but few senior officers joined the conspiracy.\nThe biggest exception was Hermes da Fonseca himself, who lent his name to the rebellion.\nFonseca had several possible motives: the offenses he suffered, the desire to regain his reputation, the influence of his children and dissatisfaction with the election results.\nThe commanders of Fort Copacabana and the garrison of Mato Grosso, who participated in the revolt, were his relatives.\nThe rebels were mostly beneficiaries of investments in military education in the previous years, with a mixture of instructors from the \"Missão Indígena\" at the Military School of Realengo, new graduates and junior officers with recent French training.\nThey had strong bonds built in the Military School; a few years earlier, Siqueira Campos, Eduardo Gomes and other future revolutionaries discussed politics and the First World War in a space outside the school.\nThe lieutenants, as the lowest sector from the officialdom, lived closer to the population's needs.\nThey were numerous, but still needed a prestigious officer to lead them, a role played by Hermes da Fonseca.\nThe revolt arose only in one faction within the army, which, as an institution, remained loyal to the power structure.\nBy mid-1922 the officer corps split between loyalists and revolutionaries, both of whom believed in a civic role for the army, but the revolutionaries believed in ending regionalism and corruption.\nOnly a minority took up arms.\nThey had support or sympathy among the urban population and some politicians, such as.\n# [Lieutenant Eduardo Gomes | upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/8/82/Tenente///de///Artilharia///Eduardo///Gomes///com///o///distintivo///de///Observador///A%C3%A9reo///da///E///Av///M.jpg]\n\n## Conspiracy activity\nConfirmation of Bernardes' victory was met with destabilizing uprisings.\nIn April, the destituted the government of for one day; similar movements occurred in [Paraná](https://bliptext.com/articles/paran-state) and [Santa Catarina](https://bliptext.com/articles/santa-catarina-state).\nThere was an attempt at a rebellion on the Navy's ships.\nIn [Ceará](https://bliptext.com/articles/cear), there was an incident between the governor and the officers.\nIn [Alagoas](https://bliptext.com/articles/alagoas), the troops paraded singing a little song against the official candidate.\nSome young naval aviators at planned an air attack against the presidential motorcade.\nIt was in this climate, and after incidents like these, that the July uprising would come.\nAt the time of the election, there were already conspiratorial talks in Rio de Janeiro, including among Hermes da Fonseca's sons, but without the coordination of high-ranking military personnel.\nThey intended to prevent the presidential inauguration.\nSome police officers and sergeants loyal to the government infiltrated the conspirators.\nIn February, the journal [Estado de S. Paulo](https://bliptext.com/articles/o-estado-de-s-paulo) published a circular, signed \"The Army\", in which there was a conspiracy to depose governors and the president and hand over power to Nilo Peçanha or a dictator.\nIn May, Epitácio Pessoa was already discussing the conspiracy behind the scenes.\nHe had transferred the suspected officers far from the capital and appointed reliable replacements, but he still thought that Artur Bernardes should resign, since \"he will not last 24 hours in the [Catete](https://bliptext.com/articles/catete-palace)\".\nAfter the defeat in Mato Grosso, general Clodoaldo da Fonseca declared that he hoped to count on the army and the [Military Brigade of Rio Grande do Sul](https://bliptext.com/articles/military-brigade-of-rio-grande-do-sul), and the movement could come at the end of October.\nPreviously, he had described a plan on a national scale to his officers, with support in São Paulo, Bahia and Minas Gerais.\nIn [Pará](https://bliptext.com/articles/par), officers who could have participated in the revolt had been transferred before it began, such as lieutenant Pires Camargo, from the 3rd Company of the 26th Battalion of [Caçadores](https://bliptext.com/articles/ca-adores), who had threatened to use weapons during the electoral campaign.\nRumors about an uprising in Mato Grosso had been circulating in the press since May, and even then the conspirators were already making their connections, with an intended start in [Ponta Porã](https://bliptext.com/articles/ponta-por).\nAfter the defeat of the revolt, the inquiry of one of the lieutenants gave 16 June as the planned start date, although there was a possibly typographical error and the date would be in July.\nIf in June, the date would be a week after the opinion of the president of Congress, the Mato Grosso senator Antônio Azeredo, recognizing the victory of Artur Bernardes.\nSenate approval could be the pretext for revolt.\nOn 27 June, reported an imminent revolutionary movement in the state.\n# [O Paiz associating the incidents in Maranhão and Paraná with \"agitating agents of Nilo Peçanha\" | upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/6/6f/O///Paiz///27///de///abril///de///2022///rebeli%C3%A3o///na///pol%C3%ADcia///maranhense.png]\n\n## Hermes da Fonseca's arrest\nOn 29 June, Hermes da Fonseca sent a telegram to colonel Jaime Pessoa da Silveira, commander of the, in Pernambuco, advising him to deny his support to the faction favored by the government in the state political dispute.\nThe faction in the Pernambuco government, favorable to the Republican Reaction, had defeated the opposition, including relatives of Epitácio Pessoa, in the gubernatorial election on 27 May.\nThe opposition contested the results and the state entered a climate of civil war.\nThe president named a new commander, who brought in reinforcements from other states and used his troops on behalf of the opposition.\nArmy soldiers killed dentist Tomás Coelho Filho, bringing national attention to the crisis.\nThus, officials in Recife appealed to Hermes da Fonseca.\nIn the telegram, on behalf of the Military Club, Fonseca warned against the army's deviations, recalling that it \"serves to defend the people, not attack them\" and \"political situations pass and the army remains\".\nIt was a call to disobey the presidential order.\nJaime Pessoa resigned.\nEpitácio Pessoa did not let it go.\nAs Hermes da Fonseca confirmed that the telegram was his own, the Ministry of War sent him a notice of reprimand.\nOffended, Hermes reiterated his statements on 2 July, declaring himself capable of expressing his opinion as \"head of the National Army\", a position legally held by the president.\nAs a result, he received a 24-hour arrest warrant.\nHe was taken to the 3rd Infantry Regiment, where he was released after 17 hours, at noon on 3 July.\nHe was also removed from the presidency of the Military Club, which, due to assuming its participation, was closed for six months based on the [Adolfo Gordo Law](https://bliptext.com/articles/adolfo-gordo-law), which allowed the closure of brothels and [anarchist](https://bliptext.com/articles/anarchism-in-brazil) establishments.\nThe arrest and closure were offensive to the dissident military and served as a trigger for the revolt.\nStill, these were pretexts, not causes, as the conspiracy had been developing for months.\nAt Fort Copacabana, the bombing of the city had been planned for almost six months.\nHermes da Fonseca considered the uprising premature, but after his arrest the spirits of the young officers were too high to prevent it.\nOn the night of 4 July, with the revolt taking effect, he declared to one of his sons opposed to its beginning: \"It is late for everything, my son: late to retreat, late to gather the strength I need\".\n# [180px | upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/3/31/Marshall///Hermes///da///Fonseca.jpg]\n\n# Outbreak in Rio de Janeiro\n\n## Plan of action\nThe idea was to revolt the 1st Infantry Regiment in Vila Militar, where the command of the 1st Infantry Division and several units was located.\nWith the support of the Military School of Realengo, the [School of Infantry Sergeants](https://bliptext.com/articles/brazilian-army-non-commissioned-officer-academy), the 1st Railway Company, the Engineering Battalion, the 15th Cavalry Regiment, the 2nd Artillery Regiment and the Aviation School, it would be possible to force the entire Vila Militar to join the rebellion, including the 2nd Infantry Regiment.\nEscorted by a picket of the 15th Cavalry Regiment, marshal Hermes da Fonseca would assume command in [Cascadura](https://bliptext.com/articles/cascadura-rio-de-janeiro), leading a vanguard to face loyalist forces of the Navy, the 3rd Infantry Battalion of the Military Police, the 1st Divisional Cavalry Regiment and the 3rd Machine Gun Company in [Méier](https://bliptext.com/articles/m-ier).\nMeanwhile, the rearguard would continue to the [South Zone](https://bliptext.com/articles/south-zone-rio-de-janeiro) via [Jacarepaguá](https://bliptext.com/articles/jacarepagu), following the Pica-Pau road and Copacabana.\nUnder the cover of the cannons of the forts of Copacabana and [Santa Cruz](https://bliptext.com/articles/fortaleza-de-santa-cruz-da-barra), the two most important in Guanabara Bay, it would reach the president's headquarters in the [Catete Palace](https://bliptext.com/articles/catete-palace).\nThe Ministry of War did not fear the bombing of the city by Fort Copacabana.\nIts 305mm guns were designed for tense fire, with low elevation, high muzzle velocity and a large projectile load.\nThus, they would reach naval targets up to 23 kilometers away, but the São João hill would be a natural obstacle if they aimed for the center of Rio de Janeiro.\nHowever, Siqueira Campos and other artillerymen calculated new tables before the rebellion, reducing the projection load to modify the shooting angles.\nThus, the cannons could fire over the mountains, threatening the city.\nOne of them consulted the calculations with a professor of ballistics at the Military School, without explaining his intentions.\nPreparations at the fort began in advance, digging trenches, laying out barbed wire, stocking up on a month's worth of supplies, retaining personnel in the barracks, electrifying the networks, and moving the barracks and kitchen to protected locations.\nIronically, the fort was the \"apple of the eye\" of minister Pandiá Calógeras, who treated its officers with special consideration, including Delso Mendes da Fonseca and Antônio de Siqueira Campos.\nOverly optimistic that the rebellion would spread throughout the army, the conspirators acted with indiscretion.\nThus, the government was aware of the risk of rebellion and was already taking preventive measures, transferring and removing suspected officers, especially in Vila Militar.\nThe conspirators also had limited organization, with poor communication after the outbreak of the revolt.\nSome reports attested to a less elaborate conspiracy, with members who only learned about the uprising the day before.\nMany of those who were vehemently in favor of action did not act at the time of the revolt.\nBefore the start, Hermes da Fonseca already had an \"absolute premonition of defeat\", due to the lack of organization, delay in contacts and the government's full knowledge of the action.\nHe considered civilian allies to be inert and leakers of information.\nVila Militar officers, on the other hand, were not all committed, and almost all were out of the barracks and under control.\nThe marshal declared to his wife before the revolt: \"The government controls everything. Telephones, telegraphs, trains and roads. There is no plan. These boys are crazy. They want to raze the city\".\nThe government already predicted the revolt of Fort Copacabana and other bodies such as the Military School.\n# [Revolutionary plan in Rio de Janeiro | upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/4/48/Revolu%C3%A7%C3%A3o///de///1922.png]\n\n## Early loyalist reaction\nOn 4 July there was a meeting of the conspirators, with representatives from all the bodies in Rio de Janeiro.\nThe government probably had insiders.\nThe revolutionaries realized that some of them were identified by the government through their telephone contact with Fort Copacabana.\nIn the afternoon, an excessive concentration of officers in Baiuca, quarters of the, confirmed the government's suspicions.\nEpitácio Pessoa's daughter claimed that he even knew in advance the time set for the revolt.\nAt night, marshal Hermes had disappeared from the Palace Hotel, heading to Vila Militar, as well as several suspicious officers, and the government already predicted the revolt of Fort Copacabana.\nAround 22:00, colonel, commander of the 1st Infantry Regiment, assigned a [company](https://bliptext.com/articles/company-military-unit) to lieutenant colonel Álvaro Guilherme Mariante, instructing him to arrest the suspected officers when they arrived by train at Vila Militar.\nThus, the uprising was made impossible.\nOfficials in Baiuca were also arrested, with the exception of a few who managed to escape.\nAt stations on the [Central do Brasil Railway](https://bliptext.com/articles/estrada-de-ferro-central-do-brasil), officers looking for trains were also arrested under orders of general Manuel Lopes Carneiro da Fontoura, commander of the.\nIn the 1st Horse Artillery Regiment, the commander, colonel João José de Lima, gathered his officers in the casino and asked their opinions.\nAll but two lieutenants were in favor of the revolution, and thus were arrested, leaving the regiment with the captains and sergeants.\nThis was repeated in many units.\nIn the words of lieutenant [João Alberto Lins de Barros](https://bliptext.com/articles/jo-o-alberto), one of the prisoners in that regiment,\n\"On 4 July, at night, all of us revolutionaries were ready to raise the troops at the first signal... There were few of us, within a regiment considered loyalist and we needed support from outside the barracks to carry out the uprising... we were stuck with the impression that the movement had been aborted. Only after being transferred from the unit, when there was nothing else we could do, did we learn that the Military School and Fort Copacabana were in revolt.\"\nLieutenant Telmo Borba, who was supposed to revolt the School of Infantry Sergeants, could not fulfill his commitment, as well as lieutenant [Luís Carlos Prestes](https://bliptext.com/articles/lu-s-carlos-prestes), deputy commander of the 1st Railway Company, who was sick.\nCaptain Luís Gonzaga Borges Fortes tried to damage the field radiotelegraph station, mobilizing the Sapper Company of the 1st Engineering Battalion, but was defeated.\nThe Aviation School was occupied by a loyalist battalion on the night of 4 to 5 July, when the revolutionary pilots were testing aircraft engines.\nUprising attempts at the Santa Cruz fort and the 15th Cavalry Regiment also failed.\nTwo hundred revolutionary officers and soldiers entered the fort, being joined at 22:00 by a battery of 54 men from.\nAmong them was lieutenant Eduardo Gomes, who arrived in the afternoon.\nAt 21:00 captain José da Silva Barbosa went to the Ministry of War, where he was charged with taking command of the 1st Coastal Artillery Battery, Fort Copacabana, to prevent the uprising.\nCaptain Barbosa was accompanied by his superior, general Bonifácio Gomes da Costa, commander of the 1st Coastal Artillery District, and a company from the 3rd Infantry Regiment.\nThe general and the captain entered the fort at 23:30, without escort, where soldiers were preparing trenches and barbed wire and carrying ammunition and a cart with a 190mm cannon.\nCaptain Euclides Hermes da Fonseca, commander of the fort, suggested that the transfer be carried out the following morning, but general Bonifácio, after communicating with general Fontoura, did not accept it.\nThe fort commander arrested the two envoys.\nCaptain Libânio da Cunha Matos, commander of the 3rd Infantry Regiment's company, went to the fort, where general Bonifácio ordered his company to return to the barracks.\nHe did not give the order a literal interpretation and instead occupied.\nAnother company, the 3rd, was already at at that time.\nThe rebels had mined the ground around the fort.\nWhile the captain was out of command, his lieutenants Álvaro Barbosa Lima and Mário Tamarindo Carpenter also went to the fort.\nCarpenter joined in, while Lima managed to flee.\n# [Vila Militar train station | upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/2/28/Esta%C3%A7%C3%A3o///Vila///Militar///vista///de///cima.jpg]\n# [Newspaper report on the 3rd Infantry Regiment, which began the siege of Fort Copacabana | upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/1/1d/Gazeta///de///Not%C3%ADcias///27///de///julho///de///1922///%28cropped%29.jpg]\n\n# The revolts\n\n## Rio de Janeiro\n\n### First revolutionary actions\nThe director of the army's Cartridge Factory, colonel João Maria Xavier de Brito Júnior, removed the ammunition for use in the revolt from the nearby Military School of Realengo.\nThe instructor officers armed the students.\nNine cadets refused to participate, as well as some officers, being arrested as a result.\nAt 23:50, captain Oton de Oliveira Santos, in charge of the night watch by orders of the school's director, general Eduardo Monteiro de Barros, found colonel Brito with a large number of officers and students in his house, which would normally be closed and with the lights off at this time.\nUpon being called to enter, Oton fired two shots in the air and ran to the general's house.\nMonteiro de Barros headed for the Military School, but on the way rebel patrols fired in his direction.\nHe intended to seek reinforcements in Vila Militar, but ended up being arrested.\nOton was also captured by the rebels before reaching Vila Militar.\nShortly before 01:00, at night, lieutenant Frederico Cristiano Buiz woke up the soldiers of his company, the 7th Company of the 1st Infantry Regiment, and divided them into two platoons.\nOne stayed in front of the barracks, while he led the other to the regimental officers' casino, where captain José Barbosa Monteiro (commander of the company), colonel Sezefredo dos Passos and others were.\nWith his pistol in hand and in front of his armed soldiers, he declared — \"The revolution has broken out! I am with the revolution!\"\nDespite being unarmed, Sezefredo dos Passos advanced against Buiz and grabbed his pistol.\nThe other officers also confronted the platoon, and captain Monteiro was killed in the clash.\nBuiz missed the opportunity, allowing himself to be restrained.\nOfficers who were not yet on the government's side were arrested.\nFor his act of bravery, the regiment's commander was later promoted to general.\nMarshal Hermes left his hotel at 23:00.\nHe would wait for the 15th Cavalry Regiment near Vila Militar.\nHe went in one of three cars, being intercepted at the [Engenho de Dentro](https://bliptext.com/articles/engenho-de-dentro) station by a squadron of the 1st Divisional Cavalry Regiment.\nAfter abandoning the car, they managed to reach the farm belonging to deputy Mário Hermes, near [Marechal Hermes](https://bliptext.com/articles/marechal-hermes) station.\nThe picket of the 15th Cavalry Regiment arrived, but to arrest the marshal.\nGeneral Ribeiro da Costa announced his arrest at 06:00 in the morning.\nHermes was kept in the battleship [Floriano](https://bliptext.com/articles/brazilian-coastal-defense-ship-floriano).\nHis presence in Vila Militar could have had a great impact.\nAt 01:15 or 01:20, Fort Copacabana fired its first shot, targeting the uninhabited island of.\nThe shots were heard throughout the city at dawn and marked the beginning of the uprising.\nThe second shot went in the same direction; the third, to the rock at the base of Fort Vigia, alerting the population, and the fourth, to the 3rd Infantry Regiment, as a protest against the arrest of Hermes da Fonseca.\nShots were then expected from the other forts, especially from Santa Cruz and, to mark their participation, but there was only silence.\n# [Rebel soldiers from Fort Copacabana | upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/6/66/Pra%C3%A7as///da///guarni%C3%A7%C3%A3o///sublevada///do///forte///de///Copacabana.jpg]\n\n### Defeat of the Military School\nThe Military School of Realengo had 638 students in arms.\nAbout a hundred of them stayed at the school to take care of those who did not join the revolt, while another five hundred, or 449, headed to Vila Militar under the leadership of colonel Brito.\nThey were of the four branches, each under its instructional assistant.\nThe cavalry squadron went ahead along the to the Piraquara bridge.\nThe journey began at midnight along the São Pedro de Alcântara road.\nThe expected goal was to join the revolutionaries at Vila Militar, but it was hostile.\nGeneral was woken up at 02:00 to take over the General Staff of the Army, to which he had been appointed a few days before.\nThe Minister of War, as a civilian, did not command the repression of the uprising, which was the responsibility of the commander of the region.\nHowever, according to Carvalho's testimony, general Carneiro da Fontoura was \"invisible\", resting in his office, while confusion reigned in command, with conflicting information about the revolt.\nHearing the artillery on the way, Setembrino went to Vila Militar in person, where he assumed command.\nMost of the 1st Division remained loyal to the government.\nLoyalist reinforcements were already on the way: a squadron from the 1st Divisional Cavalry Regiment, heading towards Realengo in reconnaissance, and, towards Méier, a detachment under general [João de Deus Mena Barreto](https://bliptext.com/articles/jo-o-de-deus-mena-barreto), commander of the 2nd Infantry Brigade.\nHe had the 3rd Military Police Battalion, the 3rd Machine Gun Company, under captain, and other units, without withdrawing many troops from the seat of government.\nAll of Central do Brasil was occupied: a battalion of Caçadores at Méier station, a battalion of the 2nd Infantry Regiment at [Todos os Santos](https://bliptext.com/articles/todos-os-santos-rio-de-janeiro), and so on.\nTo the south of Vila Militar, a police cavalry squadron guarded the Estrada Real de Santa Cruz.\nThe Catete Palace was protected since 02:00 by a company of infantry from the Naval Battalion, and at 06:00 a company from the 3rd RI and an artillery battery garrisoned the courtyard of the Ministry of War.\nThe first contact was between the Realengo cavalry picket and a patrol of the 15th Independent Cavalry Regiment.\nAt daybreak, the Realengo infantry collided with the barracks of the 1st Engineering Battalion, at the west end of Vila Militar.\nThe revolutionaries took up positions on the Monte Alegre hill, in the locality of Árvore Seca.\nFrom there they fought a duel with the 1st Horse Artillery Regiment, which had a 75mm battery near the barracks and two others on the Caixa d'Água hill.\n150 men from the School of Sergeants protected the artillery in the direction of Estrada Real de Santa Cruz.\nThe projectiles flew over the roofs of Vila Militar.\nCaptain [Mascarenhas de Morais](https://bliptext.com/articles/jo-o-baptista-mascarenhas-de-morais), of the 2nd Legalist Battery, reported how the rebels' artillery hit near the officers' residences, leading some families to withdraw.\nGeneral Ribeiro Costa, commander of the 1st Infantry Brigade, led the response from Vila Militar.\nThe Assault Car Company and a [section](https://bliptext.com/articles/section-military-unit) of the 1st Heavy Machine Gun Company were in reserve.\nAt 10:00 the bitter fight had already lasted four hours.\nVila Militar's artillery went from indirect to direct and barrage fire.\nAt that time the loyalists started an enveloping movement.\nIn the testimony of Colonel Xavier de Brito, a new element of loyalist infantry was seen heading towards the school to bypass it from the left flank.\nAccording to O Paiz, the maneuver was behind Monte Alegre, led by colonel Nestor Sezefredo, with the 1st Infantry Regiment, a battalion of the 2nd and a squadron of the 1st Divisional Cavalry Regiment as a flank guard.\nColonel Brito assembled his General Staff.\nThere was no chance of victory, and he needed to save the cadets' lives.\nIn Cascadura, more loyalists were waiting.\nThus, the revolutionaries raised the white flag and returned to the school.\nThe arrested officers and students were released.\nThe result was one dead and several wounded, among the rebels, and two dead and five wounded, among the loyalists.\nAfter 12:00 or 14:00 a squadron of loyalist cavalry, under captain, entered the school without resistance.\nLater, it was replaced by a battalion from Vila Militar.\nColonel Brito and the instructors and other officers were arrested.\n# [Vila Militar and its surroundings, with the Monte Alegre and Caixa D'Água hills highlighted | upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/3/3e/Mapa///Vila///Militar///1922.jpg]\n\n### Siege of Fort Copacabana\nAt dawn at Fort Copacabana, the revolutionaries, at first without information, were waiting for news of their victory.\nLoyalist infantry remained nearby, and colonel was appointed commander of the attacking force.\nThe infantry stayed in the Novo and tunnels, and the artillery, in the mountains in the region of the tunnels in Vila Rica and [Leme](https://bliptext.com/articles/leme-rio-de-janeiro).\nThe detachment consisted of a cavalry squadron (for reconnaissance and liaisons), a battalion of the 3rd Infantry Regiment and two companies, a battalion of Caçadores and two batteries, one of mountain artillery and the other of howitzers.\nAt 14:30 colonel Nepomuceno received the order to attack.\nThe bulk of the 3rd Infantry Battalion would advance to Cantagalo hill and block the enemy, while the other forces would attack the defenders in [Ipanema](https://bliptext.com/articles/ipanema) and [Copacabana](https://bliptext.com/articles/copacabana-rio-de-janeiro), trying to isolate them from the fort.\nThe order was to attack as soon as possible, without fail before nightfall, but the detachment could only concentrate at 19:00.\nAt the end of the morning, the commander of the fort used the 190mm Krupp cannons to fire at the left wing of the Ministry of War, in order to reach the table where the arrest order for Hermes da Fonseca had been signed.\nThe first shot landed in front of [República square](https://bliptext.com/articles/campo-de-santana-park), raising dust and shrapnel and causing workers and residents to flee.\nThe second fell into the back of Light & Power company, hitting a townhouse and killing a man, a woman and two children.\nMinister Calógeras himself telephoned to protest the damage.\nColonel Nepomuceno had orders to cut off telephone connections and the water and electricity supply, but he did not permanently cut off communications so that the rebels would know of their defeat in the rest of the city.\nWithout realizing it, Calógeras had indicated the target that had been hit.\nThe gunners realized that they had forgotten to brake the gun during firing.\nCorrecting their mistake, they fired again and hit the Ministry of War.\nThe cannon fired twice more, hitting the courtyard and the opposite end.\nTwo soldiers died and one was injured.\nPanic gripped the building.\nThe headquarters was transferred to the Fire Department, in the same square, and then to another headquarters in Largo do Humaitá.\nShortly before 15:00, colonel Nepomuceno, a personal friend of commander Euclides, summoned the fort to surrender, warning of the failure of the revolt.\nThe fort's envoy said that they would only obey marshal Hermes da Fonseca and asked for an armistice.\nColonel Nepomuceno granted it, under the reasoning of gaining time for the arrival of reinforcements, but president Epitácio Pessoa, sure of his position, did not want to negotiate.\nWhile the ceasefire was in effect, at 16:00, under his orders, the Fortress of Santa Cruz opened fire.\nThere was a \"duel of the fortresses\".\nThe rebels retaliated against government troops in Copacabana; one of the three shots hit the Guinle family mansion.\nAt 18:30, Fort Imbuí joined the fire against Copacabana.\nThrough the intervention of general Bonifácio, whose wife was in Imbuí, captain Euclides Hermes spared the target, choosing the Naval Battalion.\nFort Vigia also participated.\nLoyalists were slow; Imbuí fired late, as the boiler needed three to four hours to provide sufficient pressure.\n[Fort São Luís](https://bliptext.com/articles/forte-de-s-o-lu-s) was supposed to participate, but it didn't even get to fire.\nAt 19:00, a new emissary from the Attack Forces Detachment warned that there would be no armistice and called for the surrender of the fort.\nIt was a formality, as the arrival of night imposed the ceasefire.\nAccording to Siqueira Campos, a poorly communicated withdrawal order, during the bombardment of Santa Cruz, resulted in the destruction of a French 75mm cannon used in the external defense; it was thrown into the water.\nFor Eduardo Gomes, it was a way to prevent the cannon from falling into enemy hands.\nAnother possible motive was to express opposition to the French Military Mission.\nThe cannon was new and was there for testing.\nAmong the loyalists, the mountain artillery arrived at 20:00, and the other battery, at 21:30, positioning themselves respectively in Vila Rica and in the Leme gorge.\nThe siege was only tightened at 23:00, with the troops reaching Serzedelo Correia square, with a patrol on the beach.\nIn an elevated position on Toneleros street, captain [Eurico Gaspar Dutra](https://bliptext.com/articles/eurico-gaspar-dutra) served as an observer for the artillery.\nA company of the 3rd Infantry Division remained at Fort Vigia, and the cavalry remained near Cantagalo Hill, guarding [Leblon](https://bliptext.com/articles/leblon) beach.\nThe troops did not come closer as support from the Navy's cannons was expected.\n# [Fort Copacabana in 1920 | upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/b/b0/Fort///Copacabana///1920.jpg]\n# [Copacabana and its surroundings | upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/a/ad/Mapa///Copacabana///1922.jpg]\n\n### Naval bombardment\nInside the fort, with the supply of electricity and water being cut out, the defenders relied on candles and brackish water distilled from the sea.\nOn 6 July, the lieutenants wanted to spare captain Euclides Hermes, the only officer with a wife and children, sending him to negotiate his surrender, but he did not want to leave.\nAt 04:00 at night, minister Calógeras telephoned to warn the rebels of the total isolation of the fort, but gave them a guarantee of life.\nThe commander gathered his officers and explained the situation.\nThe rebels inside the fort knew of the imminent bombardment by the Navy and the other fortifications.\nA faction led by Siqueira Campos and Eduardo Gomes wanted to resist, but another considered the revolt over.\nThe commander gave each the option of leaving or staying in the fort.\nOf the more than three hundred men in the garrison, only 29 remained — five officers (Euclides, Siqueira, Eduardo Gomes, Mário Carpenter and Newton Prado), two sergeants, a corporal, sixteen privates and five civilians.\nThe prisoners were released.\nAt 07:35, the battleship [São Paulo](https://bliptext.com/articles/brazilian-battleship-s-o-paulo) crossed the mouth of Guanabara Bay.\nBehind it, slightly displaced to port, came the [Minas Geraes](https://bliptext.com/articles/brazilian-battleship-minas-geraes).\nThe destroyer [Paraná](https://bliptext.com/articles/brazilian-destroyer-paran-1910), with an admiral's pennant, accompanied the duo.\nEach battleship had a main battery of twelve 305mm guns (of which a maximum of ten could be used at the same time, due to the position of the turrets), against two cannons of the same caliber at the fort.\nBut several factors favored the revolutionaries.\nThe fort's shells had 1,500 meters more range than the battleships, and its concrete armor, up to 12 meters thick, was much stronger than the ships' steel armor.\nThe geography of Guanabara Bay nullified the battleships' mobility advantage, forcing them to fight at close range (less than 7,250 meters), in which even their most protected parts could be pierced by the fort's shells.\nWhen Siqueira Campos saw the ships, the fort's 305mm guns were too high and aimed at Vila Militar.\nThe revolutionaries were unable to maneuver the turret as the diesel engine failed—the result of sabotage in the confusion of the retreat.\nThe Navy was probably aware of this, and therefore risked its ships at close range.\nThe naval task force continued on a north-south axis, along the Ilha Rasa-Ilha da Laje line.\nAt the signal from Fort Vigia, São Paulo fired a first salvo at 08:00.\nTaking care not to hit Leblon, the bombardment continued for half an hour, firing 19 or 20 shells at the fort.\nMinas Gerais did not fire, but the bombardment was supported on land by colonel Nepomuceno's batteries.\nThe low fog did not allow the sailors to see the shells impact zone.\nOnly in the last salvo did they see smoke in the fort; according to captain Euclides, two shots finally hit.\nThe shots did not pierce the protected area, but one of them opened a hole five feet deep.\nIn the words of the fort's commander, \"we received, inert, as simple spectators, the violent shells from the 305 pieces of São Paulo\".\nThe ship was within range of the fort's 190mm guns, but sources differ as to whether or not the fort responded to the bombardment; Navy sources do not state that São Paulo was a target.\nShortly before sighting the battleship, the revolutionaries had fired the 190mm guns at targets on land.\nThis bombardment continued even when the navy was close.\nThe fort fired on [Ilha das Cobras](https://bliptext.com/articles/ilha-das-cobras), the army headquarters, Fort Vigia and the Catete Palace.\nOn Ilha das Cobras, three marines died in the Naval Battalion barracks.\nAs they did not find the tables with the calculations, the shot against Catete missed, destroying a nearby house.\nThe Minister of War again telephoned the revolutionaries to ask for a ceasefire.\nThe fort's commander agreed, warning, however, that he still had 72 tons of ammunition and would fight back any provocation.\nAt 09:07 the fort raised the white flag.\nAround 10:00 two emissaries of the minister went to parliament with the rebels, but at the same time two [Breguet 14](https://bliptext.com/articles/br-guet-14) planes from the navy, which was not informed of the agreement, bombed the fort, resulting in a fight with the emissaries.\nCalógeras proposed a personal conversation with Euclides Hermes, but this could be a trap.\nSiqueira Campos defined the conditions for the rebels, who wanted free passage to leave the country.\nThe captain left the fort and was arrested at his home.\n# [Battleship São Paulo | upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/8/88/Brazilian///battleship///S%C3%A3o///Paulo///via///MdB///Flickr///1.jpg]\n\n### March on Atlântica Avenue\nCommand of the fort was left to Siqueira Campos, and the plan was to bombard the city if the captain did not return within two hours.\nAt 12:30, general, head of the [Casa Militar](https://bliptext.com/articles/casa-militar-brazil), telephoned to threaten the execution of Euclides Hermes if the fort fired again.\nSiqueira Campos managed to speak with Euclides by telephone, being informed that the Ministers of War and Navy guaranteed the life of the rebels if they left the fort and surrendered unconditionally.\nSiqueira put the handset on the hook and did not answer.\nThe white flag remained flying over the fort.\nSiqueira Campos proposed bombing the city and then blowing up the fort in a collective suicide.\nEduardo Gomes contested: the bombings would kill more civilians, and the fort belonged to Brazil.\nThe soldiers agreed.\nIt was then decided to abandon the fort.\nTheir names were inscribed on the wall with nails.\nThe flag of Brazil was cut into 28 or 29 pieces, one for each member.\nThey distributed some brandy, filled their pockets with ammunition, and left armed with [Mauser 1908](https://bliptext.com/articles/mauser-model-1908) rifles and [Parabellum pistols](https://bliptext.com/articles/luger-pistol).\nThere would be no surrender: the way out was to fight the government supporters.\nThey were \"volunteers of death\".\nThey left the fort in the early afternoon.\nBy then, surrender was expected in Catete.\nUpon being informed by the ministers, Epitácio Pessoa ordered an attack by the Navy and the land forces and dispatched Catete's own police guard to reinforce Copacabana.\nNot all the 28 men left the fort, and others scattered along the way.\nPassersby followed as spectators.\nThey went along Atlântica Avenue towards Túnel Novo and from there to the presidential palace.\nOctavio Correia, a civilian and engineer from Rio Grande do Sul, joined the rebels, receiving Newton Prado's carbine.\nMeanwhile, four soldiers fled.\nCorreia already knew the commander of the fort and the lieutenants before the revolt.\nAt the time, Atlântica Avenue was already a [dual carriageway](https://bliptext.com/articles/dual-carriageway) and several buildings were under construction.\nThe gentrification of the shore was beginning, and the beach was frequented by various social classes.\nThe revolutionaries stopped at Hotel Londres to drink water, where photographer Zenóbio Couto took the famous photographs.\nSiqueira Campos was left out.\nTwo more defections followed.\nFrom afar, members of the 3rd Infantry Regiment shouted for them to surrender.\nThe nearby loyalist commander, captain Pedro Chrysol Fernandes Brasil, commanded the 6th Company of the 3rd Infantry Regiment and had three platoons in Serzedelo Correia Square under lieutenants João Francisco Sauwen, and Pedro Miquelena.\nUpon learning of the rebels' departure, he left lieutenant Segadas Viana at Barroso Street (now Siqueira Campos Street), Miquelena at Hilário de Gouveia Street and Sauwen at the square.\nHe acted under the orders of colonel Nepomuceno, but he lived a drama, as his son was among the rebels arrested at the Military School.\n# [The last rebels marching on Atlântica Avenue | upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/e/e5/Os///18///do///Forte///%282%29.jpg]\n\n### Final battle\nWhen lieutenant Segadas Viana approached the beach with his platoon to spot the rebels, he found them on the corner of Atlântica Avenue.\nA tense conversation ensued, pistols in hand, between him, Mário Carpenter (his colleague in the 3rd Infantry Regiment) and Siqueira Campos.\nViana wanted them to surrender, and they wanted him to join them.\nCaptain Brasil also approached.\nCarpenter, his subordinate, declared: \"captain, we didn't come to surrender, we want to die fighting, against you. It is useless, therefore, to advise us\".\nOne of the rebels shouted: \"We are going to Catete, captain\".\nHe insisted that it was madness, as they would have to face the entire regiment, and asked them to surrender, guaranteeing their life, but they threatened him personally.\nSo he gave the order to fire and the fighting began.\nThe first to die was a rebel soldier shot between Barroso Street and Hilário de Gouveia Street.\nThe rebels divided into two groups and fired at the platoons of lieutenants Viana and Miquelena; Miquelena's platoon, suffering casualties, retreated to Serzedelo Correia square, linking up with Sauwen's. The platoon at the rear moved ahead in reinforcement.\nThe avenue was under construction, and the rebels found shelter in the gap between the sand and the sidewalk.\nThe government supporters, in turn, also climbed trees and roofs to shoot.\nWith their rifles and machine guns, \"it seemed to rain in the sea given the constant spray\".\nThe rebels, on the other hand, saved ammunition.\nThe 9th Company of the 3rd Infantry Regiment, led by captain Floriano Gomes da Cruz, went to the rear of the rebels.\nCaptain Brasil called for reinforcements and ammunition.\nOne by one the rebels were shot.\nCaptain Brasil had orders to finish them off with a bayonet charge, but he ignored it, hoping his enemies would cease fire and survive.\nThe job fell to colonel [Tertuliano Potiguara](https://bliptext.com/articles/tertuliano-potiguara), with about 100 men from the Military Police and the 3rd Infantry Regiment, coming from the presidential guard.\n\"The charge order was given, and the last elements of the Copacabana garrison were broken\".\nIn the end, Potiguara's men cried out: \"Lift up the living! Let the living rise!\"\nThe dead and wounded were collected on the beach.\nThe 3rd Infantry Regiment company proceeded to Fort Copacabana, where they arrested, without resistance, eight soldiers and about 15 civilians.\n# [180px | upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/e/e5/Siqueira///Campos///statue.jpg]\n\n### Casualties in Copacabana\nThe number of those rescued may have exceeded 80, including a team from Brasília Filmes that tried to film the revolt; the driver was killed in the shootout and the operator and bookkeeper were wounded.\nEpitácio Pessoa visited the revolutionaries in the hospital.\nAmong the government supporters, colonel Potiguara reported six deaths, with several more injured, before the bayonet charge.\nIn this charge, a sergeant was killed by Siqueira Campos, who was shot while stabbing his liver with his bayonet.\nHistorian Glauco Carneiro counted 33 government supporters dead or wounded.\nGazeta de Notícias reported 14 rebels dead, in addition to 5 wounded.\nAmong the loyalists, still with uncertainty, there might have been 10 dead and 4 wounded.\nCorreio da Manhã reported 30 wounded, between both forces, 13 privates, an \"inferior\" (probably a sergeant) and Mário Carpenter; at this point Newton Prado had not yet died.\nAnother source gives 6 dead and 20 wounded among government forces in Copacabana.\nThe number of rebels in combat was given as 18 (3 officers and 15 soldiers) the following morning by Gazeta de Notícias.\nThe newspaper was the first to use this number, which became mythical, being soon exalted in verse and prose.\nIn words, \"in a cold and rigorous calculation, that number that history has kept as a symbol, is not reached\".\nThere were several desertions along the way, and not all of them were recorded.\nThe testimonies contradict each other.\nEduardo Gomes remembered that Siqueira Campos identified 10 fighters, and personally mentioned four officers and about 20 enlisted men.\nNewton Prado reported two officers and 14 soldiers, omitting Carpenter and Eduardo Gomes, which would add up to 18.\nCaptain Pedro Brasil gave a much higher estimate of approximately 60 rebels.\nThe photograph, which excludes Siqueira Campos, depicts the other three officers, Otávio Correia and two soldiers in the foreground, with five or six indistinct figures behind.\nFrom the 28 men who remained in the fort, plus Octavio Correia, Hélio Silva listed ten, nine military and one civilian, in the shooting, including two unknown soldiers, a black and a white one.\nA soldier and a civilian accompanied the march but disbanded, being arrested far from the combat site.\nThe two strangers died.\nSiqueira Campos, Eduardo Gomes, Otávio Correia, Mário Carpenter, Nilton Prado and José Pinto de Oliveira were taken to the hospital wounded, where only the first two survived.\nTwo soldiers (Hildebrando da Silva Nunes and Manoel Antônio dos Reis) \"were discharged from the hospital, sued and arrested, but they did not last long\".\nThis enumeration includes the black soldier Pedro Ferreira de Melo, present in the photograph, as absent from the lists of dead, wounded and arrested, but he was the first of those killed.\nAnother soldier included in this category by Hélio Silva, Manoel Antonio dos Santos, testified to [O Cruzeiro](https://bliptext.com/articles/o-cruzeiro) magazine 42 years later, declaring that he had fought on the beach alongside ten other men.\nHe allegedly escaped from the beach and was arrested the next day.\n# [Plaque in homage to the \"18\" in Rio de Janeiro | upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/4/45/Copacabana-18doForte.jpg]\n# [Occupation of the Fort by Loyalists after the final combat | upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/b/bd/O///Jornal///9///de///julho///de///1922.jpg]\n\n## Niterói\nOn the other side of Guanabara Bay, on the night of 4 to 5 July, the rebellion was led by the commander of the Navy, Álvaro de Vasconcelos.\nWith the support of state police chief César Sampaio Leite and a group of revolutionary civilians, including deputy, they occupied federal and state offices including the Telephone Company, preventing communication with Rio de Janeiro.\nThe rebellion was quelled after the Rio de Janeiro police chief imposed his authority on the local police chief.\n\n## Mato Grosso\n\n### Uprising in the south\nIn Mato Grosso, general Joaquim Ignacio, commander of the 1st Military Circumscription, took part in the conspiracies against the government in [Campo Grande](https://bliptext.com/articles/campo-grande), for which reason he was dismissed on 30 March.\nThe military in that state participated in several other revolts and coronelist conflicts in the first decades of the Brazilian Republic.\nThe new commander, Clodoaldo da Fonseca, was a relative of Hermes da Fonseca.\nWhen he took office, on 5 July, he found an already revolutionary environment.\nAt night, meeting with his officers, he reported the revolution and claimed that it had the support of the majority of the army.\nThey decided to rise up and issue a proclamation.\nClodoaldo's leadership was symbolic, as the initiative actually rested with the lieutenants.\nMato Grosso officers were unaware of the revolt's failure in Rio de Janeiro, as the telegraph and railway lines were interrupted.\nClodoaldo was already aware of this, but he went ahead with the revolt for fear of a rebellion by his commanders or because of the commitment he had made before his departure to Mato Grosso.\nThe revolutionaries followed pre-planning, occupying public buildings and calling up reservists.\nIn [Corumbá](https://bliptext.com/articles/corumb), the military quartermaster's office was broken into to provide weapons and uniforms for the conscripts, but the effort to form another battalion of Caçadores was unsuccessful.\nRevolutionary authorities promised peace and maintenance of state civil servants, but in several places they overthrew civilian authorities and looted tax collection and money-issuing bodies.\nCivilian support was limited, existing among supporters of the Republican Reaction.\nIn [Porto Murtinho](https://bliptext.com/articles/porto-murtinho) it was stronger, but martial law was applied.\nThe rebellion had the aspect of a barracks revolt, without popular enthusiasm.\nTo the north, in [Cuiabá](https://bliptext.com/articles/cuiab), the state government of remained loyal to Epitácio Pessoa.\nIn the 16th Battalion of Caçadores, headquartered in the city, the commander delayed the orders of the Minister of War to hand over his battalion to the state command, but he was replaced and the battalion was outside the authority of Clodoaldo da Fonseca.\nThe 10th Independent Cavalry Regiment (RCI), from [Bela Vista](https://bliptext.com/articles/bela-vista-mato-grosso-do-sul), also did not participate.\nIt was divided and its commander was against the revolt.\nThe monitor Pernambuco, from the, went to [Ladário](https://bliptext.com/articles/lad-rio) to help fight the revolt.\nThe Minister of War praised the loyalty of the employees of the [Postal and Telegraph Company](https://bliptext.com/articles/correios) and of the Northwest Brazil Railroad.\nThey emptied the railroad's water tanks to slow down the journey and passed on the telegraph communications to the loyalists, who were able to decipher the revolutionary plan.\n# [Map of the revolt in Mato Grosso | upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/6/6d/Revolta///em///Mato///Grosso///1922.png]\n\n### Confrontation on the Paraná River\nThe 1st Military Circumscription constituted the Provisional Liberating Division, organized into two brigades, receiving units from Campo Grande, Porto Murtinho and Ponta Porã.\nThe main one was the 17th Battalion of Caçadores, under the interim command of lieutenant Joaquim Távora.\nIt is difficult to quantify the number of troops, but it was probably between 800 and 1,000 men.\nThe plan was to concentrate forces in [Três Lagoas](https://bliptext.com/articles/tr-s-lagoas), cross the [Paraná River](https://bliptext.com/articles/paran-river), enter São Paulo through [Araçatuba](https://bliptext.com/articles/ara-atuba) and face the forces from São Paulo and allies in support of the lieutenants in Rio de Janeiro.\nThe first train only left Campo Grande on 8 July.\nUpon arriving at Três Lagoas, they discovered that railway officials had removed the ferry from trains and other ships, leaving them on the other side and without essential parts.\nEven so, the revolutionaries seized a barge for 25 to 30 men, built another and captured a boat.\nThey positioned four Krupp caliber 8 cannons, taken from, at the mouth of the [Sucuriú River](https://bliptext.com/articles/sucuri-river), pointing to the São Paulo side.\nOn 10 July, colonel Tertuliano Potiguara was tasked with crushing the uprising.\nPresident Epitácio Pessoa dismissed Clodoaldo da Fonseca on 12 July.\nForces from the (including the 4th Battalion of Caçadores) and the [Public Force of São Paulo](https://bliptext.com/articles/military-police-of-s-o-paulo-state) moved to the Paraná River, on the border of Mato Grosso.\nA squadron of three planes did the reconnaissance.\nThe Public Force contingent included 255 soldiers and 21 officers from its 2nd Infantry Battalion reinforcing colonel Potiguara, while the 4th Battalion, with 617 men, remained in reserve in [Bauru](https://bliptext.com/articles/bauru).\nThe loyalist forces concentrated near Três Lagoas, on the São Paulo side.\nA veteran of World War I, colonel Potiguara prepared to cross the Paraná River under the cover of his artillery and machine guns.\nThe fight never took place.\nOn 13 June, general Alberto Cardoso de Aguiar conferred with Clodoaldo da Fonseca at the Três Lagoas railway station, convincing him to surrender unconditionally to avoid bloodshed.\nSome of the most extreme revolutionaries still wanted to fight, but Clodoaldo gave up command and was arrested.\nThe new commander, general Cardoso de Aguiar, returned the units to their headquarters.\nMato Grosso reservists, with the exception of those in the 16th Battalion of Caçadores, were disbanded.\n# [Railway ferry on the Paraná River | upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/1/11/NOB-balsa.jpg]\n\n# Political consequences\nOn 5 July, with the explosions hundreds of meters away, Congress accepted the request for a state of emergency sent by president Epitácio Pessoa.\nThe lieutenant revolt affronted the entire political class.\nIn addition to arresting the rebels, the state of emergency was also used to persecute opposition journalists, such as, owner of Correio da Manhã, which had published the fake letters.\nSome Rio de Janeiro state deputies were detained.\nAnarchist and workers' leaders were also persecuted.\nThe state of emergency was extended until the end of the year, already entering the next presidential term.\nNewspapers sympathetic to the revolutionaries were censored.\nArtur Bernardes assumed office as president in November with his authority shaken and contested and tried to consolidate his position.\nIn his inaugural speech he made it clear that he would not accept changing the system from the outside in and promised not to act with rancor, but soon after he destroyed his opponents in the Republican Reaction.\nHis focus was to pacify Pernambuco and dominate the dissident states (Bahia, Rio de Janeiro and Rio Grande do Sul).\nContinued political tension led to the expansion of the government's repressive capacity.\nThe government of Artur Bernardes was authoritarian, with a state of emergency in force for the most part of it and great demand for the activity of the political police.\nWhen he took office, the Republican Reaction was already diluted and the dissident oligarchies were looking for peace with the government.\nIn Rio de Janeiro, the results of the gubernatorial election, in July 1922, and for the [Legislative Assembly](https://bliptext.com/articles/legislative-assembly-of-rio-de-janeiro), in December, had been disputed between the supporters of Nilo Peçanha and the opposition, leading to the formation of two assemblies.\nThe conflict served as a pretext for [federal intervention in the state in 1923](https://bliptext.com/articles/1923-federal-intervention-in-rio-de-janeiro).\nThe oppositionist was elected without resistance in a new election.\nIn Bahia, a conciliation candidate,, was elected in December 1923 and his inauguration was guaranteed by the state of emergency and federal military presence.\nIn Rio Grande do Sul, the broke out against the government of [Borges de Medeiros](https://bliptext.com/articles/borges-de-medeiros).\nArtur Bernardes increased his authority by mediating the Pact of Pedras Altas, in which governor Borges de Medeiros would not be entitled to re-election.\nDespite being opposed to the military uprising, Nilo Peçanha renounced his parliamentary immunity in order to be able to answer for what had happened, thus gaining the sympathy of public opinion.\nHe assumed the legal defense of the rebels, remaining, in the view of the tenentists, as the civilian leader of a hypothetical provisional government until his death in 1924.\nBorges de Medeiros also condemned the revolt.\nThe revolt in 1922 was just the inauguration of a phase of military insurrections that would last until 1930.\nThe government did not pacify the barracks.\nLieutenant revolts would continue in 1924, 1925 and 1926, such as the [1924 São Paulo Revolt](https://bliptext.com/articles/s-o-paulo-revolt-of-1924) and the [Prestes Column](https://bliptext.com/articles/coluna-prestes), but none of them managed to remove the president.\nTenentism became one of the foci of opposition to the political environment of the First Brazilian Republic.\nIn 1924, the lieutenants became more politically aware, and their own identity emerged.\nTenentism represented middle-class concerns against the coffee oligarchies and their allies, advocating for a moralization of politics imposed from the top down, with a strong central government, contrary to regionalism and corruption.\nIn the [1930 presidential election](https://bliptext.com/articles/1930-brazilian-general-election) there was a new split between the regional elites, with the opposition forming the [Liberal Alliance](https://bliptext.com/articles/liberal-alliance-brazil).\nFormer enemies of the lieutenants, including Epitácio Pessoa and Artur Bernardes, joined them in this alliance.\nIn the campaign, the opposition resorted to mass events.\nBoth sides practiced fraud in the election, resulting in a government victory with the election of [Júlio Prestes](https://bliptext.com/articles/j-lio-prestes).\nThe opposition did not accept the results, leading to the deposition of president [Washington Luís](https://bliptext.com/articles/washington-lu-s) in the Revolution of 1930 and the end of the First Republic.\n# [Washington Luís, the last president of the First Brazilian Republic, leaving the Guanabara Palace after being deposed by the army in 1930 | upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/0/03/SERGI01rob-2.jpg]\n\n# Trial of those involved\nThe officers involved in Mato Grosso were sent to São Paulo from July to September to respond to inquiries, but some managed to escape to Bolivia and Paraguay.\nThe students of the Military School of Realengo remained there, due to their large number, and an investigation was opened.\nThey signed lists about their participation in the uprising.\n588 confessed to their conscious participation, 4 said they were compelled by colleagues and officials and 18 said they were forced to participate by others.\n584 students were dismissed from the school.\nIn 1923, it looked almost empty.\nInstructing officers were also punished.\nThe \"Missão Indígena\" came to an end, with the Minister of War lamenting the setback in the soldier's discipline caused by it.\nEven the commander of the school was dismissed, because, despite having been against the revolt, he was accused by the criminal prosecutor of not having responded with energy.\nThe French Mission began to guide the training of students.\nThe 588 students who rebelled were not reinstated.\nAt the end of Epitácio Pessoa's term, at least 118 officers and enlisted men remained in prison.\nThe trial process was rigorous and arbitrary.\nSome were released for lack of evidence or proof of innocence, and others were granted [habeas corpus](https://bliptext.com/articles/habeas-corpus) to respond in freedom.\nThe leaders of the revolt were transferred between numerous prisons over the next few years.\nThere was the expectation of amnesty; it was common in the army, having been applied to rebels in the civil war of the 1890s and the in 1897 and [1904](https://bliptext.com/articles/vaccine-revolt).\nThis had facilitated the disposition of the rebels in 1922.\nEpitácio Pessoa and Setembrino de Carvalho (appointed by Artur Bernardes to the Ministry of War) advised amnesty for the new president.\nInstead, in December 1923 the first sentence was the conviction, under Article 107 of the Brazilian Criminal Code, of the violent attempt to overthrow the Constitution and the form of government.\nAs the prison sentence exceeded two years, they could not be reinstated in the army.\nThe hope of the revolutionaries had been Article 111 (coercion to the free exercise of constituted authority), with a lesser penalty.\nWhile they were tried by civilian courts, military courts arrested them for desertion.\nThe change in tradition was logical, as amnesties ended up subverting discipline, but applied at that time, it only increased tensions, stimulating the 1924 revolts.\nAmong those expelled from the army and convicted, a group emerged in solidarity with each other and engaged in the conspiracy.\nSoon after the 1930 Revolution, president [Getúlio Vargas](https://bliptext.com/articles/get-lio-vargas) granted amnesty to all revolutionary lieutenants.\nThey were reinstated in the army and many occupied prominent positions in politics in the following decades.\n\n# Legacy\nThe suicidal outcome of the revolt in Copacabana, and not the \"uprising inspired by an indecisive Hermes da Fonseca\", became mythical, generating martyrs and an image of heroism that fed the idealism of the following rebellions.\nThe myth generated was more important than the actual impact of the revolt.\nSociologically, it can be interpreted in terms of honor, romanticism, and virility.\nThe lieutenants were young, idealistic, frustrated by not having fought in the First World War and attracted to the idea of sacrifice for the nation.\nThe date of 5 July acquired symbolic value.\nThe conspirators of the São Paulo Revolt of 1924 had chosen several earlier start dates, going back to 28 March, but had repeatedly changed them due to unforeseen circumstances.\nUnder increasing pressure from the authorities, in late June they chose the anniversary of the 1922 uprising as their starting date.\nIn the deposition of Washington Luís in 1930, he was imprisoned in Fort Copacabana.\nThe responsible generals did not clarify in their memoirs whether the symbolism and irony were deliberate.\nIn the [1964 coup d'état](https://bliptext.com/articles/1964-brazilian-coup-d-tat), the Coastal Artillery HQ, next to the fort, was taken over by a group of 21 officers.\nThe press erroneously reported the \"taking of the fort\", which had joined on its own before the event and did not participate in the attack.\nThe magazine O Cruzeiro called the attackers \"the 40 of the fort\".\nIn 1927, with the Prestes Column still in operation, deputy Maurício de Lacerda proposed a bronze monument to the \"18 of the fort\", but the Chamber of Deputies did not accept it.\nAt the time, army authorities considered Siqueira Campos to be a criminal.\nHe died in 1930.\nThe other surviving lieutenant from Copacabana beach, Eduardo Gomes, had a long and distinguished career, becoming a [presidential candidate in 1945](https://bliptext.com/articles/1945-brazilian-general-election); at the time, his participation in 1922 was seen as a point of prestige.\nThe \"18\" received several tributes.\nIn 1931, Barroso Street was renamed in honor of Siqueira Campos.\nIn 1968, Newton Prado was buried in a monumental tomb in his hometown of Leme, after receiving honors.\nThe revolt was reenacted in 1976, and the army currently celebrates the memory of both revolutionaries and loyalists such as Setembrino de Carvalho and Tertuliano Potiguara.\nFort Copacabana is no longer used for defense purposes, but is integrated into the Army's Historical Museum, which favors the preservation of the memory of the event.\nIn [Palmas](https://bliptext.com/articles/palmas-tocantins), [Tocantins](https://bliptext.com/articles/tocantins), a monument with sculptures of \"the 18\" was inaugurated in 2001.\n# [Monument to the 18 of Fort Copacabana in Girassóis Square, Palmas, Tocantins | upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/e/e4/Monumento///%C3%A0///Coluna///Prestes.jpg]\n\n# Citations","current_revision":null,"created_by":"kACnuQmH5k9Nr5VNVEpVeg7XpvUmMctD","created_at":"2025-01-26T10:08:09.305Z","updated_at":"2025-01-26T10:08:09.305Z","search_vector":"'copacabana':1 'fort':2 'revolt':3","search_content":" \n \n**Conflict:** Copacabana Fort revolt \n**Partof:** [Tenentism](https://bliptext.com/articles/tenentism) \n**Image Size:** 300 \n**Date:** 4–6 July 1922 (Rio de Janeiro) · 5–13 July (Mato Grosso) \n**Place:** [Rio de Janeiro](https://bliptext.com/articles/rio-de-janeiro), [Niterói](https://bliptext.com/articles/niter-i) and [Mato Grosso](https://bliptext.com/articles/mato-grosso) \n**Result:** Government victory \n**Combatant 1:** Army and civilian rebels \n**Combatant 2:** [🇧🇷](https://bliptext.com/articles/brazil) [Brazil](https://bliptext.com/articles/first-brazilian-republic) · [Brazil](https://bliptext.com/articles/first-brazilian-republic)ian Army · [Brazil](https://bliptext.com/articles/first-brazilian-republic)ian Navy · [Federal District Police](https://bliptext.com/articles/military-police-of-rio-de-janeiro-state) · [São Paulo Police](https://bliptext.com/articles/military-police-of-s-o-paulo-state) \n**Commander 1:** [Hermes da Fonseca](https://bliptext.com/articles/hermes-da-fonseca) · Clodoaldo da Fonseca · João de Brito Júnior · Euclides da Fonseca · [Siqueira Campos](https://bliptext.com/articles/ant-nio-de-siqueira-campos) \n**Commander 2:** [Epitácio Pessoa](https://bliptext.com/articles/epit-cio-pessoa) · Setembrino de Carvalho · João N. da Costa · [Tertuliano Potiguara](https://bliptext.com/articles/tertuliano-potiguara) \n**Units 1:** · 1st Isolated Coastal Artillery Battery · [Military School of Realengo](https://bliptext.com/articles/military-school-of-realengo) · 1st Military Circumscription · 7th Company of the 1st Infantry Regiment · \n**Units 2:** · 1st Military Region · 2nd Military Region · \n**Strength 1:** · 638 students in the Military School · ~300 men in Fort Copacabana · 800–1,000 men in Mato Grosso · \n**Strength 2:** · 10,000 men in Rio de Janeiro · 2 battleships · 1 destroyer · \n**Casualties 1:** · 1 killed and several wounded in the Military School · In Copacabana: see [casualties](https://bliptext.com/articles/) · \n**Casualties 2:** · 3 killed and 5 wounded at Vila Militar · 2 killed and 1 wounded at the Army HQ · In Copacabana: see [casualties](https://bliptext.com/articles/) · \n**Notes:** At least 5 civilians killed and 2 injured \n \n\n# \nThe **Copacabana Fort revolt**, also known as the **18 of the Fort revolt** (Revolta dos 18 do Forte), was one of several movements coordinated by rebel factions of the [Brazilian Army](https://bliptext.com/articles/brazilian-army) against the [president of Brazil](https://bliptext.com/articles/president-of-brazil), [Epitácio Pessoa](https://bliptext.com/articles/epit-cio-pessoa), and the winner of the [1922 presidential election](https://bliptext.com/articles/1922-brazilian-presidential-election), [Artur Bernardes](https://bliptext.com/articles/artur-bernardes).\nActing under the figure of marshal [Hermes da Fonseca](https://bliptext.com/articles/hermes-da-fonseca) and supporting the defeated faction, the, the rebels tried a wide revolt in [Rio de Janeiro](https://bliptext.com/articles/rio-de-janeiro) on 5 July 1922, but only managed to control [Fort Copacabana](https://bliptext.com/articles/fort-copacabana) and the [Military School of Realengo](https://bliptext.com/articles/military-school-of-realengo), in addition to, outside the city, a focus in [Niterói](https://bliptext.com/articles/niter-i) and the , in [Mato Grosso](https://bliptext.com/articles/mato-grosso).\nThey were defeated, but the revolt marks the beginning of [tenentism](https://bliptext.com/articles/tenentism) and the events that led to the end of the [First Brazilian Republic](https://bliptext.com/articles/first-brazilian-republic).\nIn 1921, [Nilo Peçanha](https://bliptext.com/articles/nilo-pe-anha) launched himself as an opposition presidential candidate, aligning the oligarchies of second importance [states](https://bliptext.com/articles/federative-units-of-brazil) against the [domination of Brazilian politics](https://bliptext.com/articles/milk-coffee-politics) by the most powerful [states](https://bliptext.com/articles/federative-units-of-brazil) of [São Paulo](https://bliptext.com/articles/s-o-paulo-state) and [Minas Gerais](https://bliptext.com/articles/minas-gerais).\nPeçanha garnered the support of dissident military members gathered around Hermes da Fonseca, president of the.\nIn October, [fake letters attributed to Artur Bernardes](https://bliptext.com/articles/crisis-of-the-fake-letters) with offenses to the military stirred up the election and prompted them to actively participate in the campaign.\nThe rigged electoral system ensured Bernardes' victory in March 1922.\nThe opposition contested the results and over the following months a military conspiracy emerged across the country to remove Epitácio Pessoa and prevent Bernardes' inauguration.\nThe conspiracy drew great enthusiasm from tenentes (lieutenants), but few senior officers.\nThe rebels did not have a project for society, with the rebellion being a movement of reparation at first, but even so they reflected dissatisfaction with the regime.\nIn early July, the revolt was triggered by the closure of the Military Club and the brief arrest of Hermes da Fonseca for his public opposition to the government's interference, using the army, in the election in [Pernambuco](https://bliptext.com/articles/pernambuco).\nThe conspiracy was poorly organized and on the night of 4 July the loyalists managed to surround Fort Copacabana and arrest the officers who would revolt the large troops at [Vila Militar](https://bliptext.com/articles/vila-militar).\nThe following day, Hermes da Fonseca was arrested and the Military School engaged in combat for a few hours against Vila Militar before giving up.\nIn Niterói, the revolt did little more than capture the Telephone Company.\nIn Mato Grosso, the rebels faced the loyalists on the border with São Paulo until 13 July, when they laid down their weapons without starting combat.\nOnly Fort Copacabana remained in revolt, firing at military targets and engaging in an \"artillery duel\" against other fortifications in [Guanabara Bay](https://bliptext.com/articles/guanabara-bay), which killed several civilians.\nMost of the garrison left the fort on the morning of 6 April, with only 28 remaining.\nIt sustained further bombardments by the [Brazilian Navy](https://bliptext.com/articles/brazilian-navy), [Naval Aviation](https://bliptext.com/articles/brazilian-naval-aviation) and surrounding troops, refusing to surrender.\nThe fort's commander left to negotiate and was arrested, leaving it to [Antônio de Siqueira Campos](https://bliptext.com/articles/ant-nio-de-siqueira-campos) and three other lieutenants.\nIn the afternoon they left for [Atlântica Avenue](https://bliptext.com/articles/avenida-atl-ntica) with the remaining soldiers to face the loyalists, being defeated on the beach by much superior forces.\nOf the lieutenants, only Siqueira Campos and [Eduardo Gomes](https://bliptext.com/articles/eduardo-gomes) survived in the hospital.\nThe July 1922 revolts failed, but Artur Bernardes would face a new military phenomenon, tenentism, which launched ever larger and more sophisticated revolts during [his term](https://bliptext.com/articles/presidency-of-artur-bernardes), most of which was spent under a [state of emergency](https://bliptext.com/articles/state-of-emergency-in-brazil-1922-1927).\nThe refusal of [amnesty](https://bliptext.com/articles/amnesty) to the rebels of 1922 was one of the reasons for the following revolts.\nThese also failed, but the tenentists took part in the [1930 Revolution](https://bliptext.com/articles/brazilian-revolution-of-1930), which put an end to the First Republic.\nThe greatest fame of July 1922 was the Fort Copacabana and the suicidal will of the small number of rebels who marched against the government's troops, an episode that acquired a mythical character.\nThe number of 18 men said to have participated in the final combat is famous, but the actual number was probably smaller.\n\n# Background\n\n## The 1922 presidential election\nIn 1922, Brazil was undergoing a reassessment of Brazilian nationality on the eve of the country's [independence](https://bliptext.com/articles/independence-of-brazil) centennial, with the [Modern Art Week](https://bliptext.com/articles/modern-art-week) as a symbolic milestone, while public finances suffered from the fall of international demand for coffee, Brazil's [main export product](https://bliptext.com/articles/brazilian-coffee-cycle).\nIn the presidential election, scheduled for 1 March, the government candidate to succeed Epitácio Pessoa was Artur Bernardes, president ([governor](https://bliptext.com/articles/list-of-governors-of-minas-gerais)) of Minas Gerais and a representative of the dominant groups of his state and São Paulo.\nIn previous disputes, the government's candidate easily achieved the consensus of the regional oligarchies, but this time the regime showed signs of exhaustion.\nIn June 1921, the political leaders of [Rio de Janeiro](https://bliptext.com/articles/rio-de-janeiro-state), [Bahia](https://bliptext.com/articles/bahia), [Rio Grande do Sul](https://bliptext.com/articles/rio-grande-do-sul) and Pernambuco, \"second rate\" states, organized themselves in the Republican Reaction bloc and launched an opposition ticket with Nilo Peçanha, from [Rio de Janeiro](https://bliptext.com/articles/rio-de-janeiro-state), for president, and, from [Bahia](https://bliptext.com/articles/bahia), for vice president.\nSeveral explanations have already been proposed for this oligarchic split, such as the dispute for the [vice presidency](https://bliptext.com/articles/vice-president-of-brazil), the defiance to the economic policy favorable to coffee, a first test of populism or a challenge to the domination of the federal system by Minas Gerais and São Paulo.\nSome studies show the instability of the Minas Gerais-São Paulo alliance, but there was, in any case, dissatisfaction with the political arrangement.\nThe Republican Reaction's proposals were reformist and peaceful.\nIt did not intend to break with the model of the First Brazilian Republic, but only to achieve equality between the states, and its state leaders had the same profile and practices as the government's ones; in his state, Nilo Peçanha also applied [coronelism](https://bliptext.com/articles/coronelism) practices, and the Reaction sought the support of disaffected oligarchs.\nIn the electoral game of the First Republic, based on the coronelist compromise, the Republican Reaction was at a disadvantage, as it could not use the federal public machine to grant privileges and favors.\nThus, the Reaction added to traditional methods the campaign among the urban masses, a novelty at the time, as well as the search for military support.\nMilitary officers gathered around marshal Hermes da Fonseca joined Nilo Peçanha's ticket after Fonseca failed to get a candidacy.\nFonseca was the president of the Military Club, former president of Brazil and the \"virtual head of the army\", \"perceived by the military as the hierarchical superior of all\".\n\n## Military discontent\nIn the 1920s, the Brazilian Army was [reformed](https://bliptext.com/articles/reorganization-of-the-brazilian-army-in-the-old-republic) and modernized under the management of [Minister of War](https://bliptext.com/articles/ministry-of-war-brazil) and advice from the, fulfilling the ambitions of the years before.\nThe young officers left the Military School of Realengo with a level of technical preparation unprecedented in the history of the Brazilian Army.\nBut there were tensions within the officer corps.\nOfficials were frustrated with the scorn they received from the public.\nLieutenants were discouraged by their slow career progression and their failure to join and fight in [World War I](https://bliptext.com/articles/world-war-i).\nCalógeras' management and the French Mission attracted criticism, accusations of corruption and difficulties in adapting to the new models.\nIn April 1921, the dismissal of general, chief of the [Brazilian Army General Staff](https://bliptext.com/articles/brazilian-army-general-staff) and an enemy of Calógeras, generated a demonstration of solidarity by more than one hundred officers, threatening to split the army, but Ribeiro was not interested in a revolt.\nThe fact that the Ministers of War and Navy, Calógeras and, respectively, were both civilians was used in Nilo Peçanha's criticisms.\n\n### Crisis of the fake letters\nThe rapprochement between the Republican Reaction and the military reached its peak with the disclosure of fake letters attributed to Artur Bernardes, with insulting content to the military, in order to position them against his candidacy.\nThere were two documents published in [Correio da Manhã](https://bliptext.com/articles/correio-da-manh-brazil) in October 1921 as part of the newspaper's anti-Bernardes campaign.\nThe author of the letters called Hermes a \"sergeant without manners\", tapping into the resentment of army officers for the disdain they received from the civilian elite.\nThe crisis was similar to the [Military Crisis](https://bliptext.com/articles/military-question) at the final days of the [Brazilian Empire](https://bliptext.com/articles/empire-of-brazil).\nThe Military Club examined the letters attributed to Artur Bernardes and assessed them as true.\nIts creators ended up confessing to the forgery, but tensions in the military environment increased.\nBernardes' explanations ended up being accepted by most of the officers, with the exception of a minority of captains and lieutenants.\nAfter the Military Club's examination, officers in uniform and armed campaigned for the opposition.\n\"The garrisons and the Military School itself were fermenting with revolt\".\nThe atmosphere at the Club was unruly and angry.\n\n### Election\nThe election took place in an agitated atmosphere, and government supporters, controlling the official machine, guaranteed Artur Bernardes' victory in March 1922.\nIt was widely known that the ballot boxes were rigged.\nUnlike previous elections, the opposition contested the results and called for a Court of Honor to arbitrate the process.\nTo maintain the pressure, it radicalized its speech and waved to a solution by arms.\nIn April, J.J. Seabra spoke: \"If this patriotic and honorable solution by the Court of Arbitration is not accepted, we will have a struggle and bloodshed\".\nGovernment supporters were not intimidated.\nIn May Raul Soares replied: \"If the armed classes think they have the right to make a revolution, we think it is our duty to quell it\".\nThis intransigence accelerated radicalization.\nThe opposition press denounced the arrests and transfers of anti-Bernardes lieutenants.\nOn 7 June, [Congress](https://bliptext.com/articles/national-congress-of-brazil) confirmed the results of the election.\nThe oppositionists were removed from the commissions of the [Chamber of Deputies](https://bliptext.com/articles/chamber-of-deputies-brazil) and from the work of electoral recognition.\nAll that remained was to appeal to the military.\nNilo Peçanha invested in military agitation only as a form of pressure and did not want a revolt, but rather a popular movement before Congress on inauguration day on 15 November.\nHe was listed in the police inquiry following the uprising, but the charges were not substantiated.\nDifferent from what Peçanha planned, a military movement on a national scale was outlined with the goals of removing Epitácio Pessoa and preventing the inauguration of Artur Bernardes.\nFor years, criticism of electoral fraud had paved the way for the idea of a violent solution.\n\n## Profile of the rebels\nThe mobilization that would culminate in the armed revolt sought to purify the armed class from the interference of civilian politics and repair the pride of the army.\nDissident soldiers considered politics dominated by the \"low and private interests\" of status quo supporters; for them, civilian politicians had betrayed the Republic, which had been [proclaimed by the army](https://bliptext.com/articles/proclamation-of-the-republic-brazil).\nThey were dissatisfied with society and the army's position, not accepting obedience without question.\nTheir rebellious inclinations came from esprit de corps, still without claims to the new forces of society, which would come in later movements.\nThere was no revolutionary manifesto in the midst of the revolt and it was at first an institutional one, defending military honor against the figure of Artur Bernardes.\nIt was, nevertheless, the expression of a revolutionary climate and the wear and tear of the regime that was not very open to new political, economic and social demands.\nParticipants had the identity of a moral elite capable of defeating the oligarchies.\nLow-ranking soldiers were high among the insurgents, but few senior officers joined the conspiracy.\nThe biggest exception was Hermes da Fonseca himself, who lent his name to the rebellion.\nFonseca had several possible motives: the offenses he suffered, the desire to regain his reputation, the influence of his children and dissatisfaction with the election results.\nThe commanders of Fort Copacabana and the garrison of Mato Grosso, who participated in the revolt, were his relatives.\nThe rebels were mostly beneficiaries of investments in military education in the previous years, with a mixture of instructors from the \"Missão Indígena\" at the Military School of Realengo, new graduates and junior officers with recent French training.\nThey had strong bonds built in the Military School; a few years earlier, Siqueira Campos, Eduardo Gomes and other future revolutionaries discussed politics and the First World War in a space outside the school.\nThe lieutenants, as the lowest sector from the officialdom, lived closer to the population's needs.\nThey were numerous, but still needed a prestigious officer to lead them, a role played by Hermes da Fonseca.\nThe revolt arose only in one faction within the army, which, as an institution, remained loyal to the power structure.\nBy mid-1922 the officer corps split between loyalists and revolutionaries, both of whom believed in a civic role for the army, but the revolutionaries believed in ending regionalism and corruption.\nOnly a minority took up arms.\nThey had support or sympathy among the urban population and some politicians, such as.\n# [Lieutenant Eduardo Gomes | upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/8/82/Tenente///de///Artilharia///Eduardo///Gomes///com///o///distintivo///de///Observador///A%C3%A9reo///da///E///Av///M.jpg]\n\n## Conspiracy activity\nConfirmation of Bernardes' victory was met with destabilizing uprisings.\nIn April, the destituted the government of for one day; similar movements occurred in [Paraná](https://bliptext.com/articles/paran-state) and [Santa Catarina](https://bliptext.com/articles/santa-catarina-state).\nThere was an attempt at a rebellion on the Navy's ships.\nIn [Ceará](https://bliptext.com/articles/cear), there was an incident between the governor and the officers.\nIn [Alagoas](https://bliptext.com/articles/alagoas), the troops paraded singing a little song against the official candidate.\nSome young naval aviators at planned an air attack against the presidential motorcade.\nIt was in this climate, and after incidents like these, that the July uprising would come.\nAt the time of the election, there were already conspiratorial talks in Rio de Janeiro, including among Hermes da Fonseca's sons, but without the coordination of high-ranking military personnel.\nThey intended to prevent the presidential inauguration.\nSome police officers and sergeants loyal to the government infiltrated the conspirators.\nIn February, the journal [Estado de S. Paulo](https://bliptext.com/articles/o-estado-de-s-paulo) published a circular, signed \"The Army\", in which there was a conspiracy to depose governors and the president and hand over power to Nilo Peçanha or a dictator.\nIn May, Epitácio Pessoa was already discussing the conspiracy behind the scenes.\nHe had transferred the suspected officers far from the capital and appointed reliable replacements, but he still thought that Artur Bernardes should resign, since \"he will not last 24 hours in the [Catete](https://bliptext.com/articles/catete-palace)\".\nAfter the defeat in Mato Grosso, general Clodoaldo da Fonseca declared that he hoped to count on the army and the [Military Brigade of Rio Grande do Sul](https://bliptext.com/articles/military-brigade-of-rio-grande-do-sul), and the movement could come at the end of October.\nPreviously, he had described a plan on a national scale to his officers, with support in São Paulo, Bahia and Minas Gerais.\nIn [Pará](https://bliptext.com/articles/par), officers who could have participated in the revolt had been transferred before it began, such as lieutenant Pires Camargo, from the 3rd Company of the 26th Battalion of [Caçadores](https://bliptext.com/articles/ca-adores), who had threatened to use weapons during the electoral campaign.\nRumors about an uprising in Mato Grosso had been circulating in the press since May, and even then the conspirators were already making their connections, with an intended start in [Ponta Porã](https://bliptext.com/articles/ponta-por).\nAfter the defeat of the revolt, the inquiry of one of the lieutenants gave 16 June as the planned start date, although there was a possibly typographical error and the date would be in July.\nIf in June, the date would be a week after the opinion of the president of Congress, the Mato Grosso senator Antônio Azeredo, recognizing the victory of Artur Bernardes.\nSenate approval could be the pretext for revolt.\nOn 27 June, reported an imminent revolutionary movement in the state.\n# [O Paiz associating the incidents in Maranhão and Paraná with \"agitating agents of Nilo Peçanha\" | upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/6/6f/O///Paiz///27///de///abril///de///2022///rebeli%C3%A3o///na///pol%C3%ADcia///maranhense.png]\n\n## Hermes da Fonseca's arrest\nOn 29 June, Hermes da Fonseca sent a telegram to colonel Jaime Pessoa da Silveira, commander of the, in Pernambuco, advising him to deny his support to the faction favored by the government in the state political dispute.\nThe faction in the Pernambuco government, favorable to the Republican Reaction, had defeated the opposition, including relatives of Epitácio Pessoa, in the gubernatorial election on 27 May.\nThe opposition contested the results and the state entered a climate of civil war.\nThe president named a new commander, who brought in reinforcements from other states and used his troops on behalf of the opposition.\nArmy soldiers killed dentist Tomás Coelho Filho, bringing national attention to the crisis.\nThus, officials in Recife appealed to Hermes da Fonseca.\nIn the telegram, on behalf of the Military Club, Fonseca warned against the army's deviations, recalling that it \"serves to defend the people, not attack them\" and \"political situations pass and the army remains\".\nIt was a call to disobey the presidential order.\nJaime Pessoa resigned.\nEpitácio Pessoa did not let it go.\nAs Hermes da Fonseca confirmed that the telegram was his own, the Ministry of War sent him a notice of reprimand.\nOffended, Hermes reiterated his statements on 2 July, declaring himself capable of expressing his opinion as \"head of the National Army\", a position legally held by the president.\nAs a result, he received a 24-hour arrest warrant.\nHe was taken to the 3rd Infantry Regiment, where he was released after 17 hours, at noon on 3 July.\nHe was also removed from the presidency of the Military Club, which, due to assuming its participation, was closed for six months based on the [Adolfo Gordo Law](https://bliptext.com/articles/adolfo-gordo-law), which allowed the closure of brothels and [anarchist](https://bliptext.com/articles/anarchism-in-brazil) establishments.\nThe arrest and closure were offensive to the dissident military and served as a trigger for the revolt.\nStill, these were pretexts, not causes, as the conspiracy had been developing for months.\nAt Fort Copacabana, the bombing of the city had been planned for almost six months.\nHermes da Fonseca considered the uprising premature, but after his arrest the spirits of the young officers were too high to prevent it.\nOn the night of 4 July, with the revolt taking effect, he declared to one of his sons opposed to its beginning: \"It is late for everything, my son: late to retreat, late to gather the strength I need\".\n# [180px | upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/3/31/Marshall///Hermes///da///Fonseca.jpg]\n\n# Outbreak in Rio de Janeiro\n\n## Plan of action\nThe idea was to revolt the 1st Infantry Regiment in Vila Militar, where the command of the 1st Infantry Division and several units was located.\nWith the support of the Military School of Realengo, the [School of Infantry Sergeants](https://bliptext.com/articles/brazilian-army-non-commissioned-officer-academy), the 1st Railway Company, the Engineering Battalion, the 15th Cavalry Regiment, the 2nd Artillery Regiment and the Aviation School, it would be possible to force the entire Vila Militar to join the rebellion, including the 2nd Infantry Regiment.\nEscorted by a picket of the 15th Cavalry Regiment, marshal Hermes da Fonseca would assume command in [Cascadura](https://bliptext.com/articles/cascadura-rio-de-janeiro), leading a vanguard to face loyalist forces of the Navy, the 3rd Infantry Battalion of the Military Police, the 1st Divisional Cavalry Regiment and the 3rd Machine Gun Company in [Méier](https://bliptext.com/articles/m-ier).\nMeanwhile, the rearguard would continue to the [South Zone](https://bliptext.com/articles/south-zone-rio-de-janeiro) via [Jacarepaguá](https://bliptext.com/articles/jacarepagu), following the Pica-Pau road and Copacabana.\nUnder the cover of the cannons of the forts of Copacabana and [Santa Cruz](https://bliptext.com/articles/fortaleza-de-santa-cruz-da-barra), the two most important in Guanabara Bay, it would reach the president's headquarters in the [Catete Palace](https://bliptext.com/articles/catete-palace).\nThe Ministry of War did not fear the bombing of the city by Fort Copacabana.\nIts 305mm guns were designed for tense fire, with low elevation, high muzzle velocity and a large projectile load.\nThus, they would reach naval targets up to 23 kilometers away, but the São João hill would be a natural obstacle if they aimed for the center of Rio de Janeiro.\nHowever, Siqueira Campos and other artillerymen calculated new tables before the rebellion, reducing the projection load to modify the shooting angles.\nThus, the cannons could fire over the mountains, threatening the city.\nOne of them consulted the calculations with a professor of ballistics at the Military School, without explaining his intentions.\nPreparations at the fort began in advance, digging trenches, laying out barbed wire, stocking up on a month's worth of supplies, retaining personnel in the barracks, electrifying the networks, and moving the barracks and kitchen to protected locations.\nIronically, the fort was the \"apple of the eye\" of minister Pandiá Calógeras, who treated its officers with special consideration, including Delso Mendes da Fonseca and Antônio de Siqueira Campos.\nOverly optimistic that the rebellion would spread throughout the army, the conspirators acted with indiscretion.\nThus, the government was aware of the risk of rebellion and was already taking preventive measures, transferring and removing suspected officers, especially in Vila Militar.\nThe conspirators also had limited organization, with poor communication after the outbreak of the revolt.\nSome reports attested to a less elaborate conspiracy, with members who only learned about the uprising the day before.\nMany of those who were vehemently in favor of action did not act at the time of the revolt.\nBefore the start, Hermes da Fonseca already had an \"absolute premonition of defeat\", due to the lack of organization, delay in contacts and the government's full knowledge of the action.\nHe considered civilian allies to be inert and leakers of information.\nVila Militar officers, on the other hand, were not all committed, and almost all were out of the barracks and under control.\nThe marshal declared to his wife before the revolt: \"The government controls everything. Telephones, telegraphs, trains and roads. There is no plan. These boys are crazy. They want to raze the city\".\nThe government already predicted the revolt of Fort Copacabana and other bodies such as the Military School.\n# [Revolutionary plan in Rio de Janeiro | upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/4/48/Revolu%C3%A7%C3%A3o///de///1922.png]\n\n## Early loyalist reaction\nOn 4 July there was a meeting of the conspirators, with representatives from all the bodies in Rio de Janeiro.\nThe government probably had insiders.\nThe revolutionaries realized that some of them were identified by the government through their telephone contact with Fort Copacabana.\nIn the afternoon, an excessive concentration of officers in Baiuca, quarters of the, confirmed the government's suspicions.\nEpitácio Pessoa's daughter claimed that he even knew in advance the time set for the revolt.\nAt night, marshal Hermes had disappeared from the Palace Hotel, heading to Vila Militar, as well as several suspicious officers, and the government already predicted the revolt of Fort Copacabana.\nAround 22:00, colonel, commander of the 1st Infantry Regiment, assigned a [company](https://bliptext.com/articles/company-military-unit) to lieutenant colonel Álvaro Guilherme Mariante, instructing him to arrest the suspected officers when they arrived by train at Vila Militar.\nThus, the uprising was made impossible.\nOfficials in Baiuca were also arrested, with the exception of a few who managed to escape.\nAt stations on the [Central do Brasil Railway](https://bliptext.com/articles/estrada-de-ferro-central-do-brasil), officers looking for trains were also arrested under orders of general Manuel Lopes Carneiro da Fontoura, commander of the.\nIn the 1st Horse Artillery Regiment, the commander, colonel João José de Lima, gathered his officers in the casino and asked their opinions.\nAll but two lieutenants were in favor of the revolution, and thus were arrested, leaving the regiment with the captains and sergeants.\nThis was repeated in many units.\nIn the words of lieutenant [João Alberto Lins de Barros](https://bliptext.com/articles/jo-o-alberto), one of the prisoners in that regiment,\n\"On 4 July, at night, all of us revolutionaries were ready to raise the troops at the first signal... There were few of us, within a regiment considered loyalist and we needed support from outside the barracks to carry out the uprising... we were stuck with the impression that the movement had been aborted. Only after being transferred from the unit, when there was nothing else we could do, did we learn that the Military School and Fort Copacabana were in revolt.\"\nLieutenant Telmo Borba, who was supposed to revolt the School of Infantry Sergeants, could not fulfill his commitment, as well as lieutenant [Luís Carlos Prestes](https://bliptext.com/articles/lu-s-carlos-prestes), deputy commander of the 1st Railway Company, who was sick.\nCaptain Luís Gonzaga Borges Fortes tried to damage the field radiotelegraph station, mobilizing the Sapper Company of the 1st Engineering Battalion, but was defeated.\nThe Aviation School was occupied by a loyalist battalion on the night of 4 to 5 July, when the revolutionary pilots were testing aircraft engines.\nUprising attempts at the Santa Cruz fort and the 15th Cavalry Regiment also failed.\nTwo hundred revolutionary officers and soldiers entered the fort, being joined at 22:00 by a battery of 54 men from.\nAmong them was lieutenant Eduardo Gomes, who arrived in the afternoon.\nAt 21:00 captain José da Silva Barbosa went to the Ministry of War, where he was charged with taking command of the 1st Coastal Artillery Battery, Fort Copacabana, to prevent the uprising.\nCaptain Barbosa was accompanied by his superior, general Bonifácio Gomes da Costa, commander of the 1st Coastal Artillery District, and a company from the 3rd Infantry Regiment.\nThe general and the captain entered the fort at 23:30, without escort, where soldiers were preparing trenches and barbed wire and carrying ammunition and a cart with a 190mm cannon.\nCaptain Euclides Hermes da Fonseca, commander of the fort, suggested that the transfer be carried out the following morning, but general Bonifácio, after communicating with general Fontoura, did not accept it.\nThe fort commander arrested the two envoys.\nCaptain Libânio da Cunha Matos, commander of the 3rd Infantry Regiment's company, went to the fort, where general Bonifácio ordered his company to return to the barracks.\nHe did not give the order a literal interpretation and instead occupied.\nAnother company, the 3rd, was already at at that time.\nThe rebels had mined the ground around the fort.\nWhile the captain was out of command, his lieutenants Álvaro Barbosa Lima and Mário Tamarindo Carpenter also went to the fort.\nCarpenter joined in, while Lima managed to flee.\n# [Vila Militar train station | upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/2/28/Esta%C3%A7%C3%A3o///Vila///Militar///vista///de///cima.jpg]\n# [Newspaper report on the 3rd Infantry Regiment, which began the siege of Fort Copacabana | upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/1/1d/Gazeta///de///Not%C3%ADcias///27///de///julho///de///1922///%28cropped%29.jpg]\n\n# The revolts\n\n## Rio de Janeiro\n\n### First revolutionary actions\nThe director of the army's Cartridge Factory, colonel João Maria Xavier de Brito Júnior, removed the ammunition for use in the revolt from the nearby Military School of Realengo.\nThe instructor officers armed the students.\nNine cadets refused to participate, as well as some officers, being arrested as a result.\nAt 23:50, captain Oton de Oliveira Santos, in charge of the night watch by orders of the school's director, general Eduardo Monteiro de Barros, found colonel Brito with a large number of officers and students in his house, which would normally be closed and with the lights off at this time.\nUpon being called to enter, Oton fired two shots in the air and ran to the general's house.\nMonteiro de Barros headed for the Military School, but on the way rebel patrols fired in his direction.\nHe intended to seek reinforcements in Vila Militar, but ended up being arrested.\nOton was also captured by the rebels before reaching Vila Militar.\nShortly before 01:00, at night, lieutenant Frederico Cristiano Buiz woke up the soldiers of his company, the 7th Company of the 1st Infantry Regiment, and divided them into two platoons.\nOne stayed in front of the barracks, while he led the other to the regimental officers' casino, where captain José Barbosa Monteiro (commander of the company), colonel Sezefredo dos Passos and others were.\nWith his pistol in hand and in front of his armed soldiers, he declared — \"The revolution has broken out! I am with the revolution!\"\nDespite being unarmed, Sezefredo dos Passos advanced against Buiz and grabbed his pistol.\nThe other officers also confronted the platoon, and captain Monteiro was killed in the clash.\nBuiz missed the opportunity, allowing himself to be restrained.\nOfficers who were not yet on the government's side were arrested.\nFor his act of bravery, the regiment's commander was later promoted to general.\nMarshal Hermes left his hotel at 23:00.\nHe would wait for the 15th Cavalry Regiment near Vila Militar.\nHe went in one of three cars, being intercepted at the [Engenho de Dentro](https://bliptext.com/articles/engenho-de-dentro) station by a squadron of the 1st Divisional Cavalry Regiment.\nAfter abandoning the car, they managed to reach the farm belonging to deputy Mário Hermes, near [Marechal Hermes](https://bliptext.com/articles/marechal-hermes) station.\nThe picket of the 15th Cavalry Regiment arrived, but to arrest the marshal.\nGeneral Ribeiro da Costa announced his arrest at 06:00 in the morning.\nHermes was kept in the battleship [Floriano](https://bliptext.com/articles/brazilian-coastal-defense-ship-floriano).\nHis presence in Vila Militar could have had a great impact.\nAt 01:15 or 01:20, Fort Copacabana fired its first shot, targeting the uninhabited island of.\nThe shots were heard throughout the city at dawn and marked the beginning of the uprising.\nThe second shot went in the same direction; the third, to the rock at the base of Fort Vigia, alerting the population, and the fourth, to the 3rd Infantry Regiment, as a protest against the arrest of Hermes da Fonseca.\nShots were then expected from the other forts, especially from Santa Cruz and, to mark their participation, but there was only silence.\n# [Rebel soldiers from Fort Copacabana | upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/6/66/Pra%C3%A7as///da///guarni%C3%A7%C3%A3o///sublevada///do///forte///de///Copacabana.jpg]\n\n### Defeat of the Military School\nThe Military School of Realengo had 638 students in arms.\nAbout a hundred of them stayed at the school to take care of those who did not join the revolt, while another five hundred, or 449, headed to Vila Militar under the leadership of colonel Brito.\nThey were of the four branches, each under its instructional assistant.\nThe cavalry squadron went ahead along the to the Piraquara bridge.\nThe journey began at midnight along the São Pedro de Alcântara road.\nThe expected goal was to join the revolutionaries at Vila Militar, but it was hostile.\nGeneral was woken up at 02:00 to take over the General Staff of the Army, to which he had been appointed a few days before.\nThe Minister of War, as a civilian, did not command the repression of the uprising, which was the responsibility of the commander of the region.\nHowever, according to Carvalho's testimony, general Carneiro da Fontoura was \"invisible\", resting in his office, while confusion reigned in command, with conflicting information about the revolt.\nHearing the artillery on the way, Setembrino went to Vila Militar in person, where he assumed command.\nMost of the 1st Division remained loyal to the government.\nLoyalist reinforcements were already on the way: a squadron from the 1st Divisional Cavalry Regiment, heading towards Realengo in reconnaissance, and, towards Méier, a detachment under general [João de Deus Mena Barreto](https://bliptext.com/articles/jo-o-de-deus-mena-barreto), commander of the 2nd Infantry Brigade.\nHe had the 3rd Military Police Battalion, the 3rd Machine Gun Company, under captain, and other units, without withdrawing many troops from the seat of government.\nAll of Central do Brasil was occupied: a battalion of Caçadores at Méier station, a battalion of the 2nd Infantry Regiment at [Todos os Santos](https://bliptext.com/articles/todos-os-santos-rio-de-janeiro), and so on.\nTo the south of Vila Militar, a police cavalry squadron guarded the Estrada Real de Santa Cruz.\nThe Catete Palace was protected since 02:00 by a company of infantry from the Naval Battalion, and at 06:00 a company from the 3rd RI and an artillery battery garrisoned the courtyard of the Ministry of War.\nThe first contact was between the Realengo cavalry picket and a patrol of the 15th Independent Cavalry Regiment.\nAt daybreak, the Realengo infantry collided with the barracks of the 1st Engineering Battalion, at the west end of Vila Militar.\nThe revolutionaries took up positions on the Monte Alegre hill, in the locality of Árvore Seca.\nFrom there they fought a duel with the 1st Horse Artillery Regiment, which had a 75mm battery near the barracks and two others on the Caixa d'Água hill.\n150 men from the School of Sergeants protected the artillery in the direction of Estrada Real de Santa Cruz.\nThe projectiles flew over the roofs of Vila Militar.\nCaptain [Mascarenhas de Morais](https://bliptext.com/articles/jo-o-baptista-mascarenhas-de-morais), of the 2nd Legalist Battery, reported how the rebels' artillery hit near the officers' residences, leading some families to withdraw.\nGeneral Ribeiro Costa, commander of the 1st Infantry Brigade, led the response from Vila Militar.\nThe Assault Car Company and a [section](https://bliptext.com/articles/section-military-unit) of the 1st Heavy Machine Gun Company were in reserve.\nAt 10:00 the bitter fight had already lasted four hours.\nVila Militar's artillery went from indirect to direct and barrage fire.\nAt that time the loyalists started an enveloping movement.\nIn the testimony of Colonel Xavier de Brito, a new element of loyalist infantry was seen heading towards the school to bypass it from the left flank.\nAccording to O Paiz, the maneuver was behind Monte Alegre, led by colonel Nestor Sezefredo, with the 1st Infantry Regiment, a battalion of the 2nd and a squadron of the 1st Divisional Cavalry Regiment as a flank guard.\nColonel Brito assembled his General Staff.\nThere was no chance of victory, and he needed to save the cadets' lives.\nIn Cascadura, more loyalists were waiting.\nThus, the revolutionaries raised the white flag and returned to the school.\nThe arrested officers and students were released.\nThe result was one dead and several wounded, among the rebels, and two dead and five wounded, among the loyalists.\nAfter 12:00 or 14:00 a squadron of loyalist cavalry, under captain, entered the school without resistance.\nLater, it was replaced by a battalion from Vila Militar.\nColonel Brito and the instructors and other officers were arrested.\n# [Vila Militar and its surroundings, with the Monte Alegre and Caixa D'Água hills highlighted | upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/3/3e/Mapa///Vila///Militar///1922.jpg]\n\n### Siege of Fort Copacabana\nAt dawn at Fort Copacabana, the revolutionaries, at first without information, were waiting for news of their victory.\nLoyalist infantry remained nearby, and colonel was appointed commander of the attacking force.\nThe infantry stayed in the Novo and tunnels, and the artillery, in the mountains in the region of the tunnels in Vila Rica and [Leme](https://bliptext.com/articles/leme-rio-de-janeiro).\nThe detachment consisted of a cavalry squadron (for reconnaissance and liaisons), a battalion of the 3rd Infantry Regiment and two companies, a battalion of Caçadores and two batteries, one of mountain artillery and the other of howitzers.\nAt 14:30 colonel Nepomuceno received the order to attack.\nThe bulk of the 3rd Infantry Battalion would advance to Cantagalo hill and block the enemy, while the other forces would attack the defenders in [Ipanema](https://bliptext.com/articles/ipanema) and [Copacabana](https://bliptext.com/articles/copacabana-rio-de-janeiro), trying to isolate them from the fort.\nThe order was to attack as soon as possible, without fail before nightfall, but the detachment could only concentrate at 19:00.\nAt the end of the morning, the commander of the fort used the 190mm Krupp cannons to fire at the left wing of the Ministry of War, in order to reach the table where the arrest order for Hermes da Fonseca had been signed.\nThe first shot landed in front of [República square](https://bliptext.com/articles/campo-de-santana-park), raising dust and shrapnel and causing workers and residents to flee.\nThe second fell into the back of Light & Power company, hitting a townhouse and killing a man, a woman and two children.\nMinister Calógeras himself telephoned to protest the damage.\nColonel Nepomuceno had orders to cut off telephone connections and the water and electricity supply, but he did not permanently cut off communications so that the rebels would know of their defeat in the rest of the city.\nWithout realizing it, Calógeras had indicated the target that had been hit.\nThe gunners realized that they had forgotten to brake the gun during firing.\nCorrecting their mistake, they fired again and hit the Ministry of War.\nThe cannon fired twice more, hitting the courtyard and the opposite end.\nTwo soldiers died and one was injured.\nPanic gripped the building.\nThe headquarters was transferred to the Fire Department, in the same square, and then to another headquarters in Largo do Humaitá.\nShortly before 15:00, colonel Nepomuceno, a personal friend of commander Euclides, summoned the fort to surrender, warning of the failure of the revolt.\nThe fort's envoy said that they would only obey marshal Hermes da Fonseca and asked for an armistice.\nColonel Nepomuceno granted it, under the reasoning of gaining time for the arrival of reinforcements, but president Epitácio Pessoa, sure of his position, did not want to negotiate.\nWhile the ceasefire was in effect, at 16:00, under his orders, the Fortress of Santa Cruz opened fire.\nThere was a \"duel of the fortresses\".\nThe rebels retaliated against government troops in Copacabana; one of the three shots hit the Guinle family mansion.\nAt 18:30, Fort Imbuí joined the fire against Copacabana.\nThrough the intervention of general Bonifácio, whose wife was in Imbuí, captain Euclides Hermes spared the target, choosing the Naval Battalion.\nFort Vigia also participated.\nLoyalists were slow; Imbuí fired late, as the boiler needed three to four hours to provide sufficient pressure.\n[Fort São Luís](https://bliptext.com/articles/forte-de-s-o-lu-s) was supposed to participate, but it didn't even get to fire.\nAt 19:00, a new emissary from the Attack Forces Detachment warned that there would be no armistice and called for the surrender of the fort.\nIt was a formality, as the arrival of night imposed the ceasefire.\nAccording to Siqueira Campos, a poorly communicated withdrawal order, during the bombardment of Santa Cruz, resulted in the destruction of a French 75mm cannon used in the external defense; it was thrown into the water.\nFor Eduardo Gomes, it was a way to prevent the cannon from falling into enemy hands.\nAnother possible motive was to express opposition to the French Military Mission.\nThe cannon was new and was there for testing.\nAmong the loyalists, the mountain artillery arrived at 20:00, and the other battery, at 21:30, positioning themselves respectively in Vila Rica and in the Leme gorge.\nThe siege was only tightened at 23:00, with the troops reaching Serzedelo Correia square, with a patrol on the beach.\nIn an elevated position on Toneleros street, captain [Eurico Gaspar Dutra](https://bliptext.com/articles/eurico-gaspar-dutra) served as an observer for the artillery.\nA company of the 3rd Infantry Division remained at Fort Vigia, and the cavalry remained near Cantagalo Hill, guarding [Leblon](https://bliptext.com/articles/leblon) beach.\nThe troops did not come closer as support from the Navy's cannons was expected.\n# [Fort Copacabana in 1920 | upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/b/b0/Fort///Copacabana///1920.jpg]\n# [Copacabana and its surroundings | upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/a/ad/Mapa///Copacabana///1922.jpg]\n\n### Naval bombardment\nInside the fort, with the supply of electricity and water being cut out, the defenders relied on candles and brackish water distilled from the sea.\nOn 6 July, the lieutenants wanted to spare captain Euclides Hermes, the only officer with a wife and children, sending him to negotiate his surrender, but he did not want to leave.\nAt 04:00 at night, minister Calógeras telephoned to warn the rebels of the total isolation of the fort, but gave them a guarantee of life.\nThe commander gathered his officers and explained the situation.\nThe rebels inside the fort knew of the imminent bombardment by the Navy and the other fortifications.\nA faction led by Siqueira Campos and Eduardo Gomes wanted to resist, but another considered the revolt over.\nThe commander gave each the option of leaving or staying in the fort.\nOf the more than three hundred men in the garrison, only 29 remained — five officers (Euclides, Siqueira, Eduardo Gomes, Mário Carpenter and Newton Prado), two sergeants, a corporal, sixteen privates and five civilians.\nThe prisoners were released.\nAt 07:35, the battleship [São Paulo](https://bliptext.com/articles/brazilian-battleship-s-o-paulo) crossed the mouth of Guanabara Bay.\nBehind it, slightly displaced to port, came the [Minas Geraes](https://bliptext.com/articles/brazilian-battleship-minas-geraes).\nThe destroyer [Paraná](https://bliptext.com/articles/brazilian-destroyer-paran-1910), with an admiral's pennant, accompanied the duo.\nEach battleship had a main battery of twelve 305mm guns (of which a maximum of ten could be used at the same time, due to the position of the turrets), against two cannons of the same caliber at the fort.\nBut several factors favored the revolutionaries.\nThe fort's shells had 1,500 meters more range than the battleships, and its concrete armor, up to 12 meters thick, was much stronger than the ships' steel armor.\nThe geography of Guanabara Bay nullified the battleships' mobility advantage, forcing them to fight at close range (less than 7,250 meters), in which even their most protected parts could be pierced by the fort's shells.\nWhen Siqueira Campos saw the ships, the fort's 305mm guns were too high and aimed at Vila Militar.\nThe revolutionaries were unable to maneuver the turret as the diesel engine failed—the result of sabotage in the confusion of the retreat.\nThe Navy was probably aware of this, and therefore risked its ships at close range.\nThe naval task force continued on a north-south axis, along the Ilha Rasa-Ilha da Laje line.\nAt the signal from Fort Vigia, São Paulo fired a first salvo at 08:00.\nTaking care not to hit Leblon, the bombardment continued for half an hour, firing 19 or 20 shells at the fort.\nMinas Gerais did not fire, but the bombardment was supported on land by colonel Nepomuceno's batteries.\nThe low fog did not allow the sailors to see the shells impact zone.\nOnly in the last salvo did they see smoke in the fort; according to captain Euclides, two shots finally hit.\nThe shots did not pierce the protected area, but one of them opened a hole five feet deep.\nIn the words of the fort's commander, \"we received, inert, as simple spectators, the violent shells from the 305 pieces of São Paulo\".\nThe ship was within range of the fort's 190mm guns, but sources differ as to whether or not the fort responded to the bombardment; Navy sources do not state that São Paulo was a target.\nShortly before sighting the battleship, the revolutionaries had fired the 190mm guns at targets on land.\nThis bombardment continued even when the navy was close.\nThe fort fired on [Ilha das Cobras](https://bliptext.com/articles/ilha-das-cobras), the army headquarters, Fort Vigia and the Catete Palace.\nOn Ilha das Cobras, three marines died in the Naval Battalion barracks.\nAs they did not find the tables with the calculations, the shot against Catete missed, destroying a nearby house.\nThe Minister of War again telephoned the revolutionaries to ask for a ceasefire.\nThe fort's commander agreed, warning, however, that he still had 72 tons of ammunition and would fight back any provocation.\nAt 09:07 the fort raised the white flag.\nAround 10:00 two emissaries of the minister went to parliament with the rebels, but at the same time two [Breguet 14](https://bliptext.com/articles/br-guet-14) planes from the navy, which was not informed of the agreement, bombed the fort, resulting in a fight with the emissaries.\nCalógeras proposed a personal conversation with Euclides Hermes, but this could be a trap.\nSiqueira Campos defined the conditions for the rebels, who wanted free passage to leave the country.\nThe captain left the fort and was arrested at his home.\n# [Battleship São Paulo | upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/8/88/Brazilian///battleship///S%C3%A3o///Paulo///via///MdB///Flickr///1.jpg]\n\n### March on Atlântica Avenue\nCommand of the fort was left to Siqueira Campos, and the plan was to bombard the city if the captain did not return within two hours.\nAt 12:30, general, head of the [Casa Militar](https://bliptext.com/articles/casa-militar-brazil), telephoned to threaten the execution of Euclides Hermes if the fort fired again.\nSiqueira Campos managed to speak with Euclides by telephone, being informed that the Ministers of War and Navy guaranteed the life of the rebels if they left the fort and surrendered unconditionally.\nSiqueira put the handset on the hook and did not answer.\nThe white flag remained flying over the fort.\nSiqueira Campos proposed bombing the city and then blowing up the fort in a collective suicide.\nEduardo Gomes contested: the bombings would kill more civilians, and the fort belonged to Brazil.\nThe soldiers agreed.\nIt was then decided to abandon the fort.\nTheir names were inscribed on the wall with nails.\nThe flag of Brazil was cut into 28 or 29 pieces, one for each member.\nThey distributed some brandy, filled their pockets with ammunition, and left armed with [Mauser 1908](https://bliptext.com/articles/mauser-model-1908) rifles and [Parabellum pistols](https://bliptext.com/articles/luger-pistol).\nThere would be no surrender: the way out was to fight the government supporters.\nThey were \"volunteers of death\".\nThey left the fort in the early afternoon.\nBy then, surrender was expected in Catete.\nUpon being informed by the ministers, Epitácio Pessoa ordered an attack by the Navy and the land forces and dispatched Catete's own police guard to reinforce Copacabana.\nNot all the 28 men left the fort, and others scattered along the way.\nPassersby followed as spectators.\nThey went along Atlântica Avenue towards Túnel Novo and from there to the presidential palace.\nOctavio Correia, a civilian and engineer from Rio Grande do Sul, joined the rebels, receiving Newton Prado's carbine.\nMeanwhile, four soldiers fled.\nCorreia already knew the commander of the fort and the lieutenants before the revolt.\nAt the time, Atlântica Avenue was already a [dual carriageway](https://bliptext.com/articles/dual-carriageway) and several buildings were under construction.\nThe gentrification of the shore was beginning, and the beach was frequented by various social classes.\nThe revolutionaries stopped at Hotel Londres to drink water, where photographer Zenóbio Couto took the famous photographs.\nSiqueira Campos was left out.\nTwo more defections followed.\nFrom afar, members of the 3rd Infantry Regiment shouted for them to surrender.\nThe nearby loyalist commander, captain Pedro Chrysol Fernandes Brasil, commanded the 6th Company of the 3rd Infantry Regiment and had three platoons in Serzedelo Correia Square under lieutenants João Francisco Sauwen, and Pedro Miquelena.\nUpon learning of the rebels' departure, he left lieutenant Segadas Viana at Barroso Street (now Siqueira Campos Street), Miquelena at Hilário de Gouveia Street and Sauwen at the square.\nHe acted under the orders of colonel Nepomuceno, but he lived a drama, as his son was among the rebels arrested at the Military School.\n# [The last rebels marching on Atlântica Avenue | upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/e/e5/Os///18///do///Forte///%282%29.jpg]\n\n### Final battle\nWhen lieutenant Segadas Viana approached the beach with his platoon to spot the rebels, he found them on the corner of Atlântica Avenue.\nA tense conversation ensued, pistols in hand, between him, Mário Carpenter (his colleague in the 3rd Infantry Regiment) and Siqueira Campos.\nViana wanted them to surrender, and they wanted him to join them.\nCaptain Brasil also approached.\nCarpenter, his subordinate, declared: \"captain, we didn't come to surrender, we want to die fighting, against you. It is useless, therefore, to advise us\".\nOne of the rebels shouted: \"We are going to Catete, captain\".\nHe insisted that it was madness, as they would have to face the entire regiment, and asked them to surrender, guaranteeing their life, but they threatened him personally.\nSo he gave the order to fire and the fighting began.\nThe first to die was a rebel soldier shot between Barroso Street and Hilário de Gouveia Street.\nThe rebels divided into two groups and fired at the platoons of lieutenants Viana and Miquelena; Miquelena's platoon, suffering casualties, retreated to Serzedelo Correia square, linking up with Sauwen's. The platoon at the rear moved ahead in reinforcement.\nThe avenue was under construction, and the rebels found shelter in the gap between the sand and the sidewalk.\nThe government supporters, in turn, also climbed trees and roofs to shoot.\nWith their rifles and machine guns, \"it seemed to rain in the sea given the constant spray\".\nThe rebels, on the other hand, saved ammunition.\nThe 9th Company of the 3rd Infantry Regiment, led by captain Floriano Gomes da Cruz, went to the rear of the rebels.\nCaptain Brasil called for reinforcements and ammunition.\nOne by one the rebels were shot.\nCaptain Brasil had orders to finish them off with a bayonet charge, but he ignored it, hoping his enemies would cease fire and survive.\nThe job fell to colonel [Tertuliano Potiguara](https://bliptext.com/articles/tertuliano-potiguara), with about 100 men from the Military Police and the 3rd Infantry Regiment, coming from the presidential guard.\n\"The charge order was given, and the last elements of the Copacabana garrison were broken\".\nIn the end, Potiguara's men cried out: \"Lift up the living! Let the living rise!\"\nThe dead and wounded were collected on the beach.\nThe 3rd Infantry Regiment company proceeded to Fort Copacabana, where they arrested, without resistance, eight soldiers and about 15 civilians.\n# [180px | upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/e/e5/Siqueira///Campos///statue.jpg]\n\n### Casualties in Copacabana\nThe number of those rescued may have exceeded 80, including a team from Brasília Filmes that tried to film the revolt; the driver was killed in the shootout and the operator and bookkeeper were wounded.\nEpitácio Pessoa visited the revolutionaries in the hospital.\nAmong the government supporters, colonel Potiguara reported six deaths, with several more injured, before the bayonet charge.\nIn this charge, a sergeant was killed by Siqueira Campos, who was shot while stabbing his liver with his bayonet.\nHistorian Glauco Carneiro counted 33 government supporters dead or wounded.\nGazeta de Notícias reported 14 rebels dead, in addition to 5 wounded.\nAmong the loyalists, still with uncertainty, there might have been 10 dead and 4 wounded.\nCorreio da Manhã reported 30 wounded, between both forces, 13 privates, an \"inferior\" (probably a sergeant) and Mário Carpenter; at this point Newton Prado had not yet died.\nAnother source gives 6 dead and 20 wounded among government forces in Copacabana.\nThe number of rebels in combat was given as 18 (3 officers and 15 soldiers) the following morning by Gazeta de Notícias.\nThe newspaper was the first to use this number, which became mythical, being soon exalted in verse and prose.\nIn words, \"in a cold and rigorous calculation, that number that history has kept as a symbol, is not reached\".\nThere were several desertions along the way, and not all of them were recorded.\nThe testimonies contradict each other.\nEduardo Gomes remembered that Siqueira Campos identified 10 fighters, and personally mentioned four officers and about 20 enlisted men.\nNewton Prado reported two officers and 14 soldiers, omitting Carpenter and Eduardo Gomes, which would add up to 18.\nCaptain Pedro Brasil gave a much higher estimate of approximately 60 rebels.\nThe photograph, which excludes Siqueira Campos, depicts the other three officers, Otávio Correia and two soldiers in the foreground, with five or six indistinct figures behind.\nFrom the 28 men who remained in the fort, plus Octavio Correia, Hélio Silva listed ten, nine military and one civilian, in the shooting, including two unknown soldiers, a black and a white one.\nA soldier and a civilian accompanied the march but disbanded, being arrested far from the combat site.\nThe two strangers died.\nSiqueira Campos, Eduardo Gomes, Otávio Correia, Mário Carpenter, Nilton Prado and José Pinto de Oliveira were taken to the hospital wounded, where only the first two survived.\nTwo soldiers (Hildebrando da Silva Nunes and Manoel Antônio dos Reis) \"were discharged from the hospital, sued and arrested, but they did not last long\".\nThis enumeration includes the black soldier Pedro Ferreira de Melo, present in the photograph, as absent from the lists of dead, wounded and arrested, but he was the first of those killed.\nAnother soldier included in this category by Hélio Silva, Manoel Antonio dos Santos, testified to [O Cruzeiro](https://bliptext.com/articles/o-cruzeiro) magazine 42 years later, declaring that he had fought on the beach alongside ten other men.\nHe allegedly escaped from the beach and was arrested the next day.\n# [Plaque in homage to the \"18\" in Rio de Janeiro | upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/4/45/Copacabana-18doForte.jpg]\n# [Occupation of the Fort by Loyalists after the final combat | upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/b/bd/O///Jornal///9///de///julho///de///1922.jpg]\n\n## Niterói\nOn the other side of Guanabara Bay, on the night of 4 to 5 July, the rebellion was led by the commander of the Navy, Álvaro de Vasconcelos.\nWith the support of state police chief César Sampaio Leite and a group of revolutionary civilians, including deputy, they occupied federal and state offices including the Telephone Company, preventing communication with Rio de Janeiro.\nThe rebellion was quelled after the Rio de Janeiro police chief imposed his authority on the local police chief.\n\n## Mato Grosso\n\n### Uprising in the south\nIn Mato Grosso, general Joaquim Ignacio, commander of the 1st Military Circumscription, took part in the conspiracies against the government in [Campo Grande](https://bliptext.com/articles/campo-grande), for which reason he was dismissed on 30 March.\nThe military in that state participated in several other revolts and coronelist conflicts in the first decades of the Brazilian Republic.\nThe new commander, Clodoaldo da Fonseca, was a relative of Hermes da Fonseca.\nWhen he took office, on 5 July, he found an already revolutionary environment.\nAt night, meeting with his officers, he reported the revolution and claimed that it had the support of the majority of the army.\nThey decided to rise up and issue a proclamation.\nClodoaldo's leadership was symbolic, as the initiative actually rested with the lieutenants.\nMato Grosso officers were unaware of the revolt's failure in Rio de Janeiro, as the telegraph and railway lines were interrupted.\nClodoaldo was already aware of this, but he went ahead with the revolt for fear of a rebellion by his commanders or because of the commitment he had made before his departure to Mato Grosso.\nThe revolutionaries followed pre-planning, occupying public buildings and calling up reservists.\nIn [Corumbá](https://bliptext.com/articles/corumb), the military quartermaster's office was broken into to provide weapons and uniforms for the conscripts, but the effort to form another battalion of Caçadores was unsuccessful.\nRevolutionary authorities promised peace and maintenance of state civil servants, but in several places they overthrew civilian authorities and looted tax collection and money-issuing bodies.\nCivilian support was limited, existing among supporters of the Republican Reaction.\nIn [Porto Murtinho](https://bliptext.com/articles/porto-murtinho) it was stronger, but martial law was applied.\nThe rebellion had the aspect of a barracks revolt, without popular enthusiasm.\nTo the north, in [Cuiabá](https://bliptext.com/articles/cuiab), the state government of remained loyal to Epitácio Pessoa.\nIn the 16th Battalion of Caçadores, headquartered in the city, the commander delayed the orders of the Minister of War to hand over his battalion to the state command, but he was replaced and the battalion was outside the authority of Clodoaldo da Fonseca.\nThe 10th Independent Cavalry Regiment (RCI), from [Bela Vista](https://bliptext.com/articles/bela-vista-mato-grosso-do-sul), also did not participate.\nIt was divided and its commander was against the revolt.\nThe monitor Pernambuco, from the, went to [Ladário](https://bliptext.com/articles/lad-rio) to help fight the revolt.\nThe Minister of War praised the loyalty of the employees of the [Postal and Telegraph Company](https://bliptext.com/articles/correios) and of the Northwest Brazil Railroad.\nThey emptied the railroad's water tanks to slow down the journey and passed on the telegraph communications to the loyalists, who were able to decipher the revolutionary plan.\n# [Map of the revolt in Mato Grosso | upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/6/6d/Revolta///em///Mato///Grosso///1922.png]\n\n### Confrontation on the Paraná River\nThe 1st Military Circumscription constituted the Provisional Liberating Division, organized into two brigades, receiving units from Campo Grande, Porto Murtinho and Ponta Porã.\nThe main one was the 17th Battalion of Caçadores, under the interim command of lieutenant Joaquim Távora.\nIt is difficult to quantify the number of troops, but it was probably between 800 and 1,000 men.\nThe plan was to concentrate forces in [Três Lagoas](https://bliptext.com/articles/tr-s-lagoas), cross the [Paraná River](https://bliptext.com/articles/paran-river), enter São Paulo through [Araçatuba](https://bliptext.com/articles/ara-atuba) and face the forces from São Paulo and allies in support of the lieutenants in Rio de Janeiro.\nThe first train only left Campo Grande on 8 July.\nUpon arriving at Três Lagoas, they discovered that railway officials had removed the ferry from trains and other ships, leaving them on the other side and without essential parts.\nEven so, the revolutionaries seized a barge for 25 to 30 men, built another and captured a boat.\nThey positioned four Krupp caliber 8 cannons, taken from, at the mouth of the [Sucuriú River](https://bliptext.com/articles/sucuri-river), pointing to the São Paulo side.\nOn 10 July, colonel Tertuliano Potiguara was tasked with crushing the uprising.\nPresident Epitácio Pessoa dismissed Clodoaldo da Fonseca on 12 July.\nForces from the (including the 4th Battalion of Caçadores) and the [Public Force of São Paulo](https://bliptext.com/articles/military-police-of-s-o-paulo-state) moved to the Paraná River, on the border of Mato Grosso.\nA squadron of three planes did the reconnaissance.\nThe Public Force contingent included 255 soldiers and 21 officers from its 2nd Infantry Battalion reinforcing colonel Potiguara, while the 4th Battalion, with 617 men, remained in reserve in [Bauru](https://bliptext.com/articles/bauru).\nThe loyalist forces concentrated near Três Lagoas, on the São Paulo side.\nA veteran of World War I, colonel Potiguara prepared to cross the Paraná River under the cover of his artillery and machine guns.\nThe fight never took place.\nOn 13 June, general Alberto Cardoso de Aguiar conferred with Clodoaldo da Fonseca at the Três Lagoas railway station, convincing him to surrender unconditionally to avoid bloodshed.\nSome of the most extreme revolutionaries still wanted to fight, but Clodoaldo gave up command and was arrested.\nThe new commander, general Cardoso de Aguiar, returned the units to their headquarters.\nMato Grosso reservists, with the exception of those in the 16th Battalion of Caçadores, were disbanded.\n# [Railway ferry on the Paraná River | upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/1/11/NOB-balsa.jpg]\n\n# Political consequences\nOn 5 July, with the explosions hundreds of meters away, Congress accepted the request for a state of emergency sent by president Epitácio Pessoa.\nThe lieutenant revolt affronted the entire political class.\nIn addition to arresting the rebels, the state of emergency was also used to persecute opposition journalists, such as, owner of Correio da Manhã, which had published the fake letters.\nSome Rio de Janeiro state deputies were detained.\nAnarchist and workers' leaders were also persecuted.\nThe state of emergency was extended until the end of the year, already entering the next presidential term.\nNewspapers sympathetic to the revolutionaries were censored.\nArtur Bernardes assumed office as president in November with his authority shaken and contested and tried to consolidate his position.\nIn his inaugural speech he made it clear that he would not accept changing the system from the outside in and promised not to act with rancor, but soon after he destroyed his opponents in the Republican Reaction.\nHis focus was to pacify Pernambuco and dominate the dissident states (Bahia, Rio de Janeiro and Rio Grande do Sul).\nContinued political tension led to the expansion of the government's repressive capacity.\nThe government of Artur Bernardes was authoritarian, with a state of emergency in force for the most part of it and great demand for the activity of the political police.\nWhen he took office, the Republican Reaction was already diluted and the dissident oligarchies were looking for peace with the government.\nIn Rio de Janeiro, the results of the gubernatorial election, in July 1922, and for the [Legislative Assembly](https://bliptext.com/articles/legislative-assembly-of-rio-de-janeiro), in December, had been disputed between the supporters of Nilo Peçanha and the opposition, leading to the formation of two assemblies.\nThe conflict served as a pretext for [federal intervention in the state in 1923](https://bliptext.com/articles/1923-federal-intervention-in-rio-de-janeiro).\nThe oppositionist was elected without resistance in a new election.\nIn Bahia, a conciliation candidate,, was elected in December 1923 and his inauguration was guaranteed by the state of emergency and federal military presence.\nIn Rio Grande do Sul, the broke out against the government of [Borges de Medeiros](https://bliptext.com/articles/borges-de-medeiros).\nArtur Bernardes increased his authority by mediating the Pact of Pedras Altas, in which governor Borges de Medeiros would not be entitled to re-election.\nDespite being opposed to the military uprising, Nilo Peçanha renounced his parliamentary immunity in order to be able to answer for what had happened, thus gaining the sympathy of public opinion.\nHe assumed the legal defense of the rebels, remaining, in the view of the tenentists, as the civilian leader of a hypothetical provisional government until his death in 1924.\nBorges de Medeiros also condemned the revolt.\nThe revolt in 1922 was just the inauguration of a phase of military insurrections that would last until 1930.\nThe government did not pacify the barracks.\nLieutenant revolts would continue in 1924, 1925 and 1926, such as the [1924 São Paulo Revolt](https://bliptext.com/articles/s-o-paulo-revolt-of-1924) and the [Prestes Column](https://bliptext.com/articles/coluna-prestes), but none of them managed to remove the president.\nTenentism became one of the foci of opposition to the political environment of the First Brazilian Republic.\nIn 1924, the lieutenants became more politically aware, and their own identity emerged.\nTenentism represented middle-class concerns against the coffee oligarchies and their allies, advocating for a moralization of politics imposed from the top down, with a strong central government, contrary to regionalism and corruption.\nIn the [1930 presidential election](https://bliptext.com/articles/1930-brazilian-general-election) there was a new split between the regional elites, with the opposition forming the [Liberal Alliance](https://bliptext.com/articles/liberal-alliance-brazil).\nFormer enemies of the lieutenants, including Epitácio Pessoa and Artur Bernardes, joined them in this alliance.\nIn the campaign, the opposition resorted to mass events.\nBoth sides practiced fraud in the election, resulting in a government victory with the election of [Júlio Prestes](https://bliptext.com/articles/j-lio-prestes).\nThe opposition did not accept the results, leading to the deposition of president [Washington Luís](https://bliptext.com/articles/washington-lu-s) in the Revolution of 1930 and the end of the First Republic.\n# [Washington Luís, the last president of the First Brazilian Republic, leaving the Guanabara Palace after being deposed by the army in 1930 | upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/0/03/SERGI01rob-2.jpg]\n\n# Trial of those involved\nThe officers involved in Mato Grosso were sent to São Paulo from July to September to respond to inquiries, but some managed to escape to Bolivia and Paraguay.\nThe students of the Military School of Realengo remained there, due to their large number, and an investigation was opened.\nThey signed lists about their participation in the uprising.\n588 confessed to their conscious participation, 4 said they were compelled by colleagues and officials and 18 said they were forced to participate by others.\n584 students were dismissed from the school.\nIn 1923, it looked almost empty.\nInstructing officers were also punished.\nThe \"Missão Indígena\" came to an end, with the Minister of War lamenting the setback in the soldier's discipline caused by it.\nEven the commander of the school was dismissed, because, despite having been against the revolt, he was accused by the criminal prosecutor of not having responded with energy.\nThe French Mission began to guide the training of students.\nThe 588 students who rebelled were not reinstated.\nAt the end of Epitácio Pessoa's term, at least 118 officers and enlisted men remained in prison.\nThe trial process was rigorous and arbitrary.\nSome were released for lack of evidence or proof of innocence, and others were granted [habeas corpus](https://bliptext.com/articles/habeas-corpus) to respond in freedom.\nThe leaders of the revolt were transferred between numerous prisons over the next few years.\nThere was the expectation of amnesty; it was common in the army, having been applied to rebels in the civil war of the 1890s and the in 1897 and [1904](https://bliptext.com/articles/vaccine-revolt).\nThis had facilitated the disposition of the rebels in 1922.\nEpitácio Pessoa and Setembrino de Carvalho (appointed by Artur Bernardes to the Ministry of War) advised amnesty for the new president.\nInstead, in December 1923 the first sentence was the conviction, under Article 107 of the Brazilian Criminal Code, of the violent attempt to overthrow the Constitution and the form of government.\nAs the prison sentence exceeded two years, they could not be reinstated in the army.\nThe hope of the revolutionaries had been Article 111 (coercion to the free exercise of constituted authority), with a lesser penalty.\nWhile they were tried by civilian courts, military courts arrested them for desertion.\nThe change in tradition was logical, as amnesties ended up subverting discipline, but applied at that time, it only increased tensions, stimulating the 1924 revolts.\nAmong those expelled from the army and convicted, a group emerged in solidarity with each other and engaged in the conspiracy.\nSoon after the 1930 Revolution, president [Getúlio Vargas](https://bliptext.com/articles/get-lio-vargas) granted amnesty to all revolutionary lieutenants.\nThey were reinstated in the army and many occupied prominent positions in politics in the following decades.\n\n# Legacy\nThe suicidal outcome of the revolt in Copacabana, and not the \"uprising inspired by an indecisive Hermes da Fonseca\", became mythical, generating martyrs and an image of heroism that fed the idealism of the following rebellions.\nThe myth generated was more important than the actual impact of the revolt.\nSociologically, it can be interpreted in terms of honor, romanticism, and virility.\nThe lieutenants were young, idealistic, frustrated by not having fought in the First World War and attracted to the idea of sacrifice for the nation.\nThe date of 5 July acquired symbolic value.\nThe conspirators of the São Paulo Revolt of 1924 had chosen several earlier start dates, going back to 28 March, but had repeatedly changed them due to unforeseen circumstances.\nUnder increasing pressure from the authorities, in late June they chose the anniversary of the 1922 uprising as their starting date.\nIn the deposition of Washington Luís in 1930, he was imprisoned in Fort Copacabana.\nThe responsible generals did not clarify in their memoirs whether the symbolism and irony were deliberate.\nIn the [1964 coup d'état](https://bliptext.com/articles/1964-brazilian-coup-d-tat), the Coastal Artillery HQ, next to the fort, was taken over by a group of 21 officers.\nThe press erroneously reported the \"taking of the fort\", which had joined on its own before the event and did not participate in the attack.\nThe magazine O Cruzeiro called the attackers \"the 40 of the fort\".\nIn 1927, with the Prestes Column still in operation, deputy Maurício de Lacerda proposed a bronze monument to the \"18 of the fort\", but the Chamber of Deputies did not accept it.\nAt the time, army authorities considered Siqueira Campos to be a criminal.\nHe died in 1930.\nThe other surviving lieutenant from Copacabana beach, Eduardo Gomes, had a long and distinguished career, becoming a [presidential candidate in 1945](https://bliptext.com/articles/1945-brazilian-general-election); at the time, his participation in 1922 was seen as a point of prestige.\nThe \"18\" received several tributes.\nIn 1931, Barroso Street was renamed in honor of Siqueira Campos.\nIn 1968, Newton Prado was buried in a monumental tomb in his hometown of Leme, after receiving honors.\nThe revolt was reenacted in 1976, and the army currently celebrates the memory of both revolutionaries and loyalists such as Setembrino de Carvalho and Tertuliano Potiguara.\nFort Copacabana is no longer used for defense purposes, but is integrated into the Army's Historical Museum, which favors the preservation of the memory of the event.\nIn [Palmas](https://bliptext.com/articles/palmas-tocantins), [Tocantins](https://bliptext.com/articles/tocantins), a monument with sculptures of \"the 18\" was inaugurated in 2001.\n# [Monument to the 18 of Fort Copacabana in Girassóis Square, Palmas, Tocantins | upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/e/e4/Monumento///%C3%A0///Coluna///Prestes.jpg]\n\n# Citations","revisionCount":0},"hasMore":false,"nextCursor":null}

History