Coeur d'Alene (French: Cœur d'Alène), known to its speakers as Snchitsu’umshtsn, is a Salishan language. It was spoken by only two of the 80 individuals in the Coeur d'Alene Tribe on the Coeur d'Alene Reservation in northern Idaho, United States in 1999. It is considered an endangered language. However, as of 2014, two elders in their 90s remain who grew up with Cœur d'Alène as their first language, and the use of the language is spreading among all age groups. The Coeur d'Alene Names-Places Project visits geographic sites on the reservation recording video, audio, and still photos of Tribal elders who describe the site in both English and Coeur d'Alene languages. The Coeur d'Alene Tribal Language Program and elders have actively promoted the use of the language, and have created computer sounds that use Snchitsu’umshtsn phrases. Radio station KWIS FM 88.3 in Plummer, Idaho offers programming to preserve the Snchitsu’umshtsn language. Lawrence Nicodemus, "a retired judge and former tribal council member," became a scholar of the language. He had worked with linguist Gladys Reichard in his youth, and went on to create a grammar, dictionary, and instructional materials. Nicodemus taught language classes until his death at age 94. The Coeur d'Alene Tribe's language program has "taught classes and worked with the language department to record more than 2,000 hours of audio and video." Classes are also available at North Idaho College.

Phonology

Consonants

In Coeur d'Alene, there are eleven places of articulation: labial, alveolar, palatoalveolar, lateral, labiovelar, uvular, labio-uvular, coronal pharyngeal, pharyngeal, labiopharyngeal, and laryngeal. Doak identifies six manners of articulation: plain and glottalized voiceless stops and affricates, voiced stops and affricate, voiceless fricatives, and plain and glottalized resonants.

Vowels

Orthography

There are three different orthographies, giving the interpretations of previous scholarly works. Coeur d'Alene examples have been taken from the works of Nicodemus et al. as well as from the COLRC website. Notes on writing systems

Morphology and syntax

Coeur d'Alene is a morphosyntactically polysynthetic language. In Coeur d'Alene, a full clause can be expressed by affixing pronominal arguments and morphemes expressing aspect, transitivity and tense onto one verb stem (Doak, 1997, p. 38). These affixes are discussed below.

Basic intransitive clause structure

The basic format of an intransitive thought as Doak identifies can be found below:

Intransitive person markers

The intransitive subjects of Coeur d'Alene appear as clitics (Doak, 1997, p. 53), and their forms as well as examples from Doak (1997, p. 53-54) are found below:

Plural –ilš

To clarify, the parentheses used around the suffix, -ilš, are meant to show that it is optional. This 3rd person plural, optional morpheme is used to give clarity that something within the sentence has plurality, whether it is the subject or the object is a matter of context. To illustrate this more clearly, Doak (1997, p. 59) gives the example: ʔacqɛʔ -m -st(u) -Ø -s -ilš go.out -m -CAUS.TR -3.ABS -3.ERG -PL ‘He took them out.’/ ‘They took it out.’ / ‘They took them out.’

Determiners

There are three determiners and one oblique marker that help specify participants by joining clauses and their main predicates. Doak (1997, p. 46-48). As a general rule, adjuncts that are introduced with a determiner specify the absolutive, accusative and nominative pronominal arguments, while both the determiner and oblique marker introduce ergative arguments. When an indefinite participant is not indicated on the predicate, the oblique alone is used to indicate this participant. — Doak (1997, p. vii) Examples: ɬuʔ niʔt̓εk̓ʷus ɬa stqʷíl̇k̇ʷup prox₃ lay.in.fire det₃ fire He lay in the fire. ni kʷup ʔáccqεʔ xʷε Lynn hiɬ kʷu ʔε Q you.folks go.out.PL det₁ Lynn CONN you person Did you go out with Lynn? xεmínčs xʷε čεsčšípnc xʷε ʔε sčíčεʔ he.likes det₁ he.will.chase.it det₁ OBL horse The horse likes to chase. xʷε ʔε núnεʔs hiɬ cε pípεʔs… det₁ OBL their.mother and det₂ their.father… Their mother and their father ...

Basic transitive clause structure

The construction of a transitive sentence in Coeur d'Alene is:

Transitivizers

There are three types of transitives in Coeur d'Alene: simple, causative, and applicative. The different transitivizers in Coeur d'Alene are listed below as described by Bischoff (2011, p. 27 modified).

The lone -t and directive -nt transitivizers

The lone -t (-t) and the directive transitivizer -nt (-dt) are the most commonly used in Coeur d'Alene (Bischoff, 2011, p. 27). Doak (1997, p. 115) suggests that these two are alternative forms of one another with the lone -t appearing before a limited number of roots. The person markers that follow these forms are the same in function and form: agent subjects and patient objects. Most often, these transitivizers indicate that the subject is an agent in control of his or her actions (Bischoff, 2011, p. 27). √t'áp -nt -sɛ -s √shoot -DIR.TR -1.ACC -3.ERG He shot me.' (Doak, 1997, p. 114) √číł -t -Ø -m √give -TR -3.ABS -NTE 'He was given it.' (Bischoff, 2011, p. 28)

Causative transitivizer -st(u)

The causative transitivizer -st(u) (-ct) has three primary functions. It is used to indicate customary aspect, causative construction where the subject causes something or someone to be something, and topical object construction (Doak, 1997, p. 124). A unique set of m-initial objects for first and second person singular replace the s-initial morphemes when the construction is with a causative -st(u) transitivizer (Bischoff, 2011, p. 29). ʔɛc- √ɡʷíč -st(u) -mi -t cust- √see -CAUS.TR -2.ACC -1PL.ERG 'We see you.' (Doak, 1997, p. 126) čic- √xʷuy -st(u) -mɛ(l) -s DIR- √go -CAUS.TR -1.ACC -3.ERG 'He took me there.' (Doak, 1997, p. 125-126)

Applicative transitivizers

Applicative transitivizers introduce a third participant into the argument structure, and alter the role of the object. This means the participant represented by the object person marking morpheme serves as a possessor or dative with the possessor applicative transitivizer -łt (-pra) and as a beneficiary or dative with the benefactive transitivizer -š(i)t (-bt). There is also a third, much less frequent, applicative -tułt. can also indicate a dative construction, indicating the object to which something is given. It is also worthwhile to note that third person arguments are only understood from context because Coeur d'Alene only marks two arguments on the predicate using person marking morphemes (Bischoff, 2011, p. 30).

Possessor applicative transitivizer -łt

In transitive constructions with the possessor applicative -łt (-pra), the object marking on the predicate indicates the possessor, rather than the possessed, such as in Examples 1a and 1b below. In some cases, as in Example 1c below, -łt (-pra) serves to indicate a dative construction. In these cases, the role of the object shifts to dative (Bischoff, 2011, p. 30-31). √q'ʷíc’ -łt -si -n √fill -POSS.APL.TR -2.ACC -1.ERG 'I filled it for you.' (Doak, 1997, p. 144) √cúnmɛʔ -łt -si -n √teach -POSS.APL.TR -2.ACC -1.ERG 'I showed you how it's done.' (Doak, 1997, p. 150) kʼʷnɛʔ √cunmɛy+CVC -łt -ɛlis -s soon {√teach+REDUPundefined} -POSS.APL.TR -1PL.ACC -3.ERG 'He will show us [how to do it].' ('He will teach 'x' to us.') (Bischoff, 2011, p. 31; Doak, 1997, p. 149)

Benefactive applicative transitivizer -š(i)t

In constructions with the benefactive applicative -š(i)t (-bt), the argument indicated by the ergative is agent and that by accusative/absolutive the beneficiary. The benefactive applicative may also function to characterize an object as a recipient (Bischoff, 2011, p. 31). √nkʷín -šit -si -n √sing -BEN.APL.TR -2.ACC -1.ERG 'I sang to you.' (Doak, 1997, p. 156)

Dative applicative transitivizer -tułt

The dative applicative -tułt is very rare, and the role of this applicative is uncertain other than that it introduces another participant into a sentence structure (Doak, 1997, p. 157). The only examples Doak gives only occur with third person or non-topic ergative person marking morphemes (Bischoff, 2011, p. 32). √tám -tułt -Ø -s √scorch -DAT.APL.TR -3.ABS -3.ERG 'He burned it for somebody.' (Doak, 1997, p. 159)

Transitive person markers

Transitive objects

Below are the transitive object morphemes, which appear as suffixes. The 3rd person is null. Notes on Transitive Objects The following examples are taken from Doak (1997, p. 55-64). √c’uw’ -nt -sɛl -m √hit -DIR.TR -1.ACC -NTE 'I got hit.' √pulut -st(u) -mɛl -m √kill -CAUS.TR -1.ACC -NTE 'I got killed.' √čił -šit -ɛli -t √give -bt -1PL.ACC -NTE 'We were given some.' √c’uw’ -nt -si -s √hit -DIR.TR -2.ACC -3erg 'He hit you.' √pulut -st(u) -mi -t √kill -CAUS.TR -2.ACC -NTE 'You got killed.' √mɛy’+CVC -šit -ulmi -t √know+{CVC} -bt -2PL.ACC -NTE 'You folks were told stories.' √mɛy’+CVC -šit -Ø -mɛt √know+{CVC} -bt -3.ABS -1PL.ERG 'We told him stories.' √čiɬ -šit -Ø -m -ilš √give -bt -3.ABS -NTE -3PL 'They were given some.'

Non-topic ergative objects

There is also a second set of transitive objects in Coeur d'Alene also appear as suffixes, which Doak identifies as non-topic ergative objects (NTE). Following examples from Doak (1997, p. 57-63): √pulut -st(u) -mɛl -m √kill -CAUS.TR -1.ACC -NTE 'I got killed.' √čiɬ -šit -ɛli -t √give -bt -1PL.ACC -NTE 'We were given some.' √pulut -st(u) -mi -t √kill -CAUS.TR -2.ACC -NTE 'You got killed.' √cun √mey -nt -ɛli -t √point √know -DIR.TR -2PL.ACC -NTE 'We were taught.' n √tiʔ=ɛɬniw’ -nt -Ø -m LOC √hit=side -DIR.TR -3.ABS -NTE 'He got hit on the side.' √čiɬ -šit -Ø -m -ilš √give -bt -3.ABS -NTE -3PL 'They were given some.'

Ergative transitive subjects

The transitive subjects of Ergative case also appear as suffixes in Coeur d'Alene. Examples from Doak (1997, p. 56-63) are given below. √t’ap -nt -Ø -n √shoot -DIR.TR -3.ABS -1.ERG 'I shot him.' √maqʷ -nt -Ø -mɛt √stack -DIR.TR -3.ABS -1PL.ERG 'We piled up rocks, sacks of wheat.' √q’ʷic’ -ɬt -sɛl -xʷ √fill -POSS.APL.TR -1.ACC -2.ERG 'You filled it for me.' √q’ʷic’ -ɬt -sɛl -p √fill -POSS.APL.TR -1.ACC -2PL.ERG 'You folks filled it for me.' √c’uw’ -nt -si -s √hit -DIR.TR -2acc -3.ERG 'He hit you.' √ʔacqɛʔ -m -st(u) -Ø -s -ilš √go.out -m -CAUS.TR -3.ABS -3.ERG -PL 'He took them out.'/ 'They took it out.' / 'They took them out.'

Genitive pronouns

Genitive structures are used to create possessives in Coeur d'Alene (Doak 1997, p. 169). Examples below are taken from Doak (1997, p. 69-71). hn- stiʔ 1.GEN- thing 'It's mine.' cɛtxʷ -ɛt house -1PL.GEN 'It's our house.' in- stiʔ 2.GEN- thing 'It's yours.' cɛtxʷ -mp house -2PL.GEN 'It's your (pl.) house.' stiʔ -s thing -3.GEN 'It's his/hers.' stiʔ -s -ilš thing -3.GEN -3PL 'It's theirs.'

Predicate Pronominals

Predicate Pronominal forms may stand alone as predicates or may serve as emphatic adjuncts. The forms are constructed as intransitive predicates with morphology and unanalyzable roots used nowhere else, and examples are given below (Doak, 1997, p. 72-73).

Aspect

There are three aspects in Coeur d'Alene. The first is the completive, which has no morpheme marker. The completive aspect refers to an action that was completed in the past (Bischoff, 2011, p. 22; Reichard, 1938, p. 574). čn- Ø- √mílxʷ 1.NOM- COMP- √smoke 'I smoked.' (Doak, 1997, p. 83) The second is the customary aspect, characterized by the prefix morpheme, ʔɛc- (Doak, 1997, p. 85). č- ʔɛc- √kʼʷúl 1PL.NOM- CUS- √work 'We work.' (Doak, 1997, p. 85) The third aspect is the continuative, indicated by the prefix morpheme y’c-. čn- y’c- √ɡʷíč 1.NOM CONT- √see 'I am seeing.' (Doak 1997, p. 106)

Tense

In addition to aspect in Coeur d'Alene, there is evidence of realis and irrealis. Realis and irrealis marks a distinction between time that the speaker can directly perceive through his or her own knowledge or senses (realis) and that which is conjectured known of hypothetically, distantly, or by hearsay (irrealis). Only examples of irrealis are attested in Coeur d'Alene (Doak 1997, p. 188). Irrealis is indicated in the same way as an aspect marker, by a particle occurring before the verb. The irrealis particle is nεʔ. There are no examples of both an aspect marker and irrealis occurring in the same predicate (Doak 1997, p. 189). nεʔ uɬ-čic √ʔεĺ+C₂ xʷε in √nunεʔ IRR again-LOC √move+NCR det₁ 2.GEN √mother "When your mom gets back..." (Doak 1997, p. 188) nεʔ √ʔεkʷun-stu-ø-mεt xʷε √q̀ʷεd=alqs IRR √say-CAUS.TR-3.ABS-1PL.ERG det √black=clothes "We'll tell the black robes" [or monks] (Doak 1997, p. 189.)